tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7670874976520416362023-11-15T05:14:50.355-08:00Haiti Dream Keeper ArchivesDocuments, images, text, memoirs, etc. from the Lavalas administration period - Michelle.Karshan@gmail.comUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger22125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-72127869755905415452023-01-29T11:29:00.006-08:002023-01-29T11:47:44.705-08:00January 1, 2004, OPENING BICENTENNIAL SPEECH BY PRESIDENT JEAN-BERTRAND ARISTIDE, National Palace, Haiti<p><b><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">January 1, 2004, Bicentennial opening speech for the year 2004 pronounced by the President of the Republic of Haiti, His Excellency Jean-Bertrand Aristide, on the occasion of the 200<span style="position: relative; top: -2pt;">th</span> anniversary of the proclamation of the independence of the First Black Republic of the world.</span></b></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><b><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;"> </span></b></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><b><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">January 1, 2004, National Palace, Haiti<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="Normal" style="line-height: 32px; margin: 5pt 0in;"><b><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">OPENING BICENTENNIAL SPEECH BY PRESIDENT JEAN-BERTRAND ARISTIDE: <o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Happy New Year! Happy New Year! Happy New Year! Happy New Year! Happy New Year! (Cheers of the crowd) Happy New Year! Happy New Year! Happy New Year! Happy New Year! Happy New Year! How many times does that give you? (The crowd answers: 5 times!) <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Thank you!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Excellency Mr. Thabo Mbeki, President of South Africa and Mrs. The First Lady of South Africa,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Excellency Mr. Perry Christie, Prime Minister of Bahamas,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Excellency Mr. Prime Minister, Yvon Neptune of the Republic of Haiti and Mrs.,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;"><span>Excellency Mr. </span><span style="background-color: white; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; color: #202124;">Ajodhia</span><span>, Vice-President of Suriname,<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Distinguished members of the Ministerial Cabinet,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Mr. President of the Court of Cassation,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Honorable President of the Senate and Honorable Senators of the Republic,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Honorable President of the Chamber of Deputies and Honorable Deputies of the Republic,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Honorable American Congress Deputy Maxine Waters,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Mr. President of the Wang of exams of the Republic of China, Taiwan,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Mr. OAS Assistant General Secretary,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Distinguished Heads and members of foreign delegations,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Honorable Deputies from the French Parliament,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Distinguished members of the senior branches of the Civil Service,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Excellency Mr. Apostolic Nuncio Mgr. Bolonech,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Special Envoy from the Vatican, Excellency Mr. Apostolic Nuncio, Mgr. Luigi Bonazzi,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Distinguished members of the Diplomatic Corps,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Distinguished members of the Consular Corps,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Mr. Director General of the FAO,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Mr. Mayors of Port-au-Prince,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Civil, religious and police authorities,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear Danny Glover,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear compatriots from the Tenth Department,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear fellow citizens,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Ladies and Gentlemen,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How happy the First Lady and I are to welcome you in the name of the Founding Fathers of the Homeland. At the beginning of this January 1<sup>st</sup>, 2004, we vibrate at the rhythm of Liberty. May the echo of these vibrations be heard in patriotic applauds.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">(Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Salute and hurray for our ancestors. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">To Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the Great, to Toussaint Louverture, the Genius of the Race, to Petion, Christophe, to the Brave Soldiers and to all the Heroes of the Independence, let's pay a vibrant tribute. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">(Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">And to you, sisters and brothers from the Caribbean, from America, from Africa, from Europe and from Asia, to all of you, lovers of Liberty, Happy New Year 2004!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">(Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Shalom for Haiti 2004 times more beautiful!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">(Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Happy New Year!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">(President Aristide together with the crowd: Happy New Year! Happy New Year! Happy New Year! Happy New Year!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How many times does that give you? (5 times!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How many fingers do you have on your hand? (5 fingers!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How many fingers are there on the left hand? (5 fingers!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How many times did I tell you Happy New Year? (5 times!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">For how many years? (5 years)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">5 years!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">What an honor to welcome all of our special guests! Let's give them another warm welcome. Let's tell them: Happy New Year! (Happy New Year!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In Chinese: "Shinn nyenn kwaloeu!" (Happy New Year!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">(The crowd laughs!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In Chinese: "Wann inn wann inn!" (Welcome!) (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Feliz ano nuevo! Que alegria estar con ustedes hermanos y hermanas! (How nice to be with you, brothers and sisters) (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">A long time before 1804, boats coming from Africa carried slaves. Today, South African boats carry the Power of Freedom to shine in 200 years of freedom…(Cheers)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">So to you, my brother, President Mbeki and Mrs., to Minister Zhuma, to all members of the delegation from South Africa, to all our sisters and brothers from Africa: Sani Bonani! (Hello! In Zulu). Sani Bonani! Sani Bonani! Si ya kwa Moukela! (Welcome in Zulu). Sini si sela ou nyaka ou moucha! (We wish you a Happy New Year!). (Applauds) Si ya ye Tanda l Afrika! (We love Africa). Ou' Kolo kwi Afrika! (Peace to Africa). (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear fellow citizens,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Distinguished guests,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">On the eve of this new year, we are happy to celebrate a <i>Bicentennial of Freedom for a Millennium of Peace</i>. Yes, let's proclaim it together! A Bicentennial of Freedom for a Millennium of Peace! Beyond 1804, Haitian roots have always gone deep into a source of a love story, love of freedom. From there, the glorious pages of our history that can only be written on gold letters. Indeed, 25,000 years ago, the land of Haiti welcomed the first migration flows of North America. From the year 6000 to the year 4000, first came the Siboneys, then the Arawaks, Tainos, Caribbean, Indians, Spanish, English, French. And of course, starting in 1503, our African sisters and brothers, reduced to slavery but always walking towards liberty. Universal value, this liberty transcends color, race and frontiers. In antiquity, the first slaves were almost always white. Egyptians, and then Carthaginians were the first ones to own black slaves. At the height of the Roman Empire, as in the second century before Jesus Christ, we counted in Rome 400,000 white slaves to feed 20,000 citizens, which means 20 slaves for each colonist. This barbarity extended throughout Africa, whose blood would feed America and Europe. It was a monstrous blood transfusion. Of course, slavery is a crime against humanity. (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear fellow citizens,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Distinguished guests,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear friends,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In three centuries, approximately 15 million Africans were carried like animals in the hold through the Atlantic Ocean. At the beginning of the 18<span style="position: relative; top: -2pt;">th</span> century, there were only 80 million inhabitants in Africa. What a genocide! Slave trade or genocidal trade. But, but, but,…(Cheers in the crowd) Hold on tight! (Cheers in the crowd)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Here, here, I repeat it, here in 1804, from the night of slavery came out a sun of liberty! (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">A sun in the middle of the night! (Applauds) <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Who would have said? Who would have thought? A sun in the middle of the night, the sun of liberty! <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">So things have changed! (Cheers in the crowd) Things have changed!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">They will not go into hiding again! They will not go into hiding again! (Cheers of joy in the crowd)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Since our ancestors would not go into hiding again, people who do not want to go into hiding again, put both hands up for the whole world to see. (People in the crowd put both hands up and say Hurray!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Thank you!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Put your hands down, please.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Since we are getting ready with the Opposition, the Civil Society, to go to elections in 2004, let's have an election here, putting both hands up if you don't want to go into hiding again. People who don't want to go into hiding, let's vote, put both hands up. (Everyone in the crowd put both hands up)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Look at thousands of people, hundreds of thousands of people!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How beautiful it is!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How great it is!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Applaud the Haitian People! (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Applaud Haitians from the Tenth Department.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Applaud Haitians from the Diaspora who are here with us. (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Applaud all our farmers, all our sisters who are in the mountains, all the poor, all the rich, intellectuals, illiterates, politicians, opposition, civil society, private sector, all the Haitian people without distinction. (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Hurry for them!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Hats off for them! Fraternal embrace!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">(Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How beautiful it is!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How great it is to be united!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How beautiful it is !<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How great it is to love each other!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How beautiful it is!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">How great it is to cultivate liberty, tolerance, peace, love!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Hurray for Gonaives! Hurray for Gonaives! (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Hurray for the Artibonite people! Hurray for Gonaives! (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Do you want to go to Gonaives?<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Yes!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Would you like to go to Gonaives?<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Yes!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Repeat Gonaives five times for me! <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">(President Aristide together with the crowd: Gonaives! Gonaives! Gonaives! Gonaives! Gonaives! Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Thank you! Like we said earlier, things changed and Fatra Baton, Toussaint Louverture was right to say: "When I was overthrown in Santo Domingo, the <i>Tree of Liberty</i>was cut down, but it will grow back, because its roots are deep and numerous. (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Since the umbilical cord of Independence was cut in Gonaives on January 1<sup>st</sup>, 1804, Haiti has been the <i>Mother of Liberty</i>! (Applauds) <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In other words : "the <i>First Black Republic</i>of the world is and remains the geographical linchpin of Black Liberty" (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Yes, Haiti is the Mother of Liberty, all mothers are mothers, poor mothers like rich mothers. All mothers are mothers. All of us, sons and daughters, let's be as one to applaud Haiti, our mother, Haiti, the Mother of Liberty!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">(Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">On January 1<sup>st</sup>. 1804, <i>Mother Haiti</i>gave birth to <i>Liberty</i>so that we could live freely, as equal, as brothers and sisters. Today, January 1<sup>st</sup>, 2004, we crown our mother with a wreath of gratefulness, because Haiti's Negroes and Negresses are the sons and daughters of dignity.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Honor and Respect for Haiti, Mother of Liberty!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Salute and Hurray for our ancestors! (Hurray!)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear compatriots,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Distinguished guests,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear friends,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Through this Bicentennial, we also celebrate, "The only victorious slave revolution in history!" The one and only! The one and only! The one and only! (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Throughout the whole world, that had never been done -- except here in Haiti. (Cheers from the crowd)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Haiti is small, but in the liberty laboratory, Haiti is the smaller, the better! (Cheers from the crowd)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">We are not surprised to see how our independence pumped an epidemic of liberty in America. In a short time, the anti-slavery revolutionary contagion spread throughout the continent. In 1806, we remember how Father Dessalines gave Miranda, from Venezuela, 15 boats, 500 brave men, heavy war weapons with bullets and equipment, to go free slaves in Venezuela, in Colombia, in Equator. Just the same, Les Cayes welcomed Simon Bolivar and Petion gave him weapons, clothes, food, respect and moral support to go free slaves in other countries. That is how the flag of Venezuela was made here, in Jacmel, when Bolivar added a peace of yellow cloth on our blue and red. Article 3 in the 1801 Constitution says: "The minute a slave puts one foot on the land of Haiti, he or she is free!" (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In the United States, the same epidemic of liberty went through Savannah, when our ancestors went to show solidarity to Americans and shed their blood for the United States' independence.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Honor and respect for them!<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Without the victory of our revolution, the United States wouldn't have Louisiana, and without Louisiana, the United wouldn't be the United States today. The reason is that back then, Louisiana represented almost half of the United States' territory. So, for history, for truth and for honor, the two oldest republics in the continent, Haiti and the United States, have a beautiful, beautiful chapter of solidarity to write together. A knife does not cut its handle. Two good things make a very good thing. (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Two good things make a very good thing. How many good things to make a very thing? (Two good things!) . How many good things to make a very thing? (Two good things!). Two good things make a very good thing. The United States and Haiti, when one is good with the other, we both will make a very good democratic thing! (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">A few months ago, we were so pleased to hear Secretary Colin Powell remind the world of these historical ties, and of the impact that the heavy losses suffered by Napoleon's army in Haiti had on Napoleon's decision to sell the Louisiana Territory to the United States. <o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Ladies and Gentlemen,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">At the end of the nineteenth century, Frederick Douglass honored Haiti in a poem entitled, ‘Until She Spoke.” "Until she Spoke" wrote Douglas, no nation has abolished Negro slavery, nor given to the world an organized effort to abolish slavery. In 1804, Haiti spoke, and today, Africa's youngest republic, South Africa, and its oldest, Haiti, join with CARICOM and African Americans to embrace the principles of <i>Liberty, Justice and Equality </i>that guided our ancestors to victory two hundred years ago. This victory reflects the communication of the end of apartheid which we will celebrate with South Africa this year. May the sentiment of these historical achievements echo in the hearts of all the sons and daughters of Africa; may it shine a path for this new millennium. May the determination of these former slaves to forge a nation in a world hostile to their very existence, inspire us to always continue to struggle for human dignity that is the sacred right of all people.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><i><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;"> (TEXT IN SPANISH)<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">After 1804, it was wasps, wasps, wasps. After 2004, it must be bees, bees, bees. Or it must be honey for everyone without distinction. And since we are strong, we must get bees before reaching the sky. After 1804, it was wasps, wasps, wasps. A wasp egg gives 300 small wasps. After 2004, it must be bees, bees, bees. A queen of bees gives us 1,500 eggs every day. And a termite bee gives 30,000 eggs every day. And so, a Lavalas bee for everyone without distinction. (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear friends,<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In a word, if before 200 years, it was wasps, after 200 years, it must be bees. (Applauds)<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In this context, we are happy to celebrate a <i>Bicentennial of Liberty for a Millennium of Peace</i>. From there, our intention to work <i>hic et nunc</i>for the actualization of the millennium goals. For the country, for the ancestors, let us walk united and proclaim the Bicentennial Declaration, which is: Build a new Haiti. It is possible because, Together, we stand! Together, we stand! (The crowd together with the President, Together, we stand!).<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">To replace the 21 cannon shots, the cannon declaration, the <i>Bi</i>ce<i>ntennial Declaration </i>has 21 points. Yes, a declaration in 21 points, before the 21 billions of the restitution. (Applauds)</span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">The death rate for children under 5 years old in the last few years went down from 125 per 1,000 to 110 for 1,000. In 2015, this rate must be under 40 per 1000. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In 2000, the percentage of low weight newborns was 28%. This rate is estimated at 19% today and must go down to 5% by 2015. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">From the year 1993 to 2003, the scourge of malnutrition rate went from 63% to 51%. By 2015, it must go from 51% to 25%. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In 2003, the maternal death rate was 520 per 100,000 living births. By 2015, this rate must go from 520 to 150 per 100,000. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">During the last three years, we were able to stabilize the HIV/AIDS infection in Haiti. The rate went from 6.1% to 5%. Before 2015, we must go from 5% to 1%. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">The gross rate of schooling during the last three years increased from 67.8% to 72%. Before 2015, this rate must go from 72% to 95%. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">The literacy campaign must lead us, way before 2015, to the eradication of illiteracy. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In 1992, we had 1,005 fundamental public schools with first and second cycles in the whole country. Today, we have 1,200, thanks to Lavalas. (Applauds). In 2015, we will not only have 1,200, we'll have 1,700 schools. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Do you believe that TOGETHER, WE STAND? (The crowd answers strongly: Yes!)</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Do you agree that TOGETHER, WE STAND? (The crowd: Yes!) Two hands up, with all our hearts, let's repeat loudly, TOGETHER, WE STAND! TOGETHER, WE STAND!</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">In 190 years, we only had 34 colleges. Today, for our 200th year, instead of 34, we have 138, thanks to Lavalas. (Applauds) In the year 2015, instead of 138, we'll have 276 colleges. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Today, as for electricity, we managed to get to 155 megawatts, despite the economic embargo. Before 2015, we can go from 155 to 355 megawatts. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Telephone, before 2015, we will have not 112.000 lines in service, but at least 250,000. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Today, only 43% of our fellow citizens have access to drinking water in rural areas, and 48% in metropolitan areas. Before 2015, this rate will go from 48% to 75%. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">During those 200 years, the roads between the towns, rural and national roads only cover 4,500 kilometers. The projection for 2015 is of approximately 6,500 kilometers. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">The country's present forest coverage is of 1%, which means 30,000 hectares. This coverage will be doubled in 2015 with 45 million trees planted or naturally regenerated. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Before 2015, the land reform must be stimulated for a fair management and distribution of the State's 200,000 hectares of land. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">During the last few years, half of the population was victim of food insecurity. In 1993, this rate was 63%. In 2015, we must go down from 63 to 32%. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Thanks to the advantages of the new law on free zones and the investment code, before 2015, in a climate of political stability, security for all and good governing, direct foreign investments can go up to 400 million US dollars. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">The assets of 70% of our poor, evaluated to 5.2 billion US dollars in 1995, can be superior to 10 billion in 2015. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Over one thousand social houses were built and distributed during the years 2002 and 2003. By 2015, we'll distribute more than 10,000. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">More than 54 public parks were built or developed during the last three years. In 2015, we will not only have 54 public parks, but at least 216 public parks, thanks to Lavalas. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND. </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Between 1990 and 2000, the proportion of the population living below the poverty line in Haiti went from 60% to 56%. In 2015, this rate must go down from 56% to 28%. It is possible because, TOGETHER, WE STAND.</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">While I was giving the 21 points of the Bicentennial Declaration, I heard many of you saying : Gonaives, Gonaives, Gonaives. (The crowd, very excited, shouts: Gonaives!)</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">I feel Gonaives in your hearts, I feel Gonaives in your blood. Is that true? Yes!</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Do you love Gonaives? Yes!</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Are you proud because that's where the umbilical cord of independence was cut? Yes!</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Do you show solidarity to all Gonaives' sons and daughters? Yes!</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Everyone who is outside, hundreds of thousands who show solidarity to Gonaives, two hands up, two hands up so that everyone can see!</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Thank you!</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Together with Gonaives, together with all Haitians abroad, together with all Haitians here, that Bicentennial Declaration will allow all people who are at the bottom to go up. Secondly, people who are at the bottom and people who are at the top will go up faster. Thirdly, together, together, if we don't go up the economic elevator, we will go up the economic stairs anyway. (Applauds)</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">That is exactly why we built that monument for the 200 years of liberty. That monument has 200 stairs: 200 stairs of Haiti's history, 200 stairs of Liberty, 200 stairs of Equality, 200 years of Fraternity, 200 stairs towards the Restitution.</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Dear fellow citizens,</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Beyond their deaths, the Heroes of Independence send out liberating waves. May these liberating waves propagate like light waves, meaning at 300,000 kilometers per second.</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">And so, to them, HONOR AND GLORY!</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">And to us, their worthy sons and daughters, RESPECT, RESTITUTION AND REPARATION for a civilization of Peace. Sia Bonga! </span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><span><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">Thank you! (Applauds)</span></span></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><b><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;"><br /></span></b></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><b><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">President Jean-Bertrand Aristide</span></b></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><b><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">National Palace</span></b></p><p class="Normal" style="margin: 5pt 0in;"><b><span style="font-family: georgia; font-size: medium;">01/01/2004 </span></b></p>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-13205933365355805402014-06-29T06:49:00.002-07:002014-06-29T16:54:39.372-07:00Worth Cooley-Prost's work on behalf of Haiti lives on in her writings and impact on others by Michelle Karshan<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<b><u><span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Worth Cooley-Prost<o:p></o:p></span></u></b><br />
<b><u><span style="font-size: 14.0pt;"><br /></span></u></b>
<b><span style="font-size: 14pt;">See below for list of important documents re Haiti written by Worth Cooley-Prost (or written in collaboration)</span></b><br />
<b><u><span style="font-size: 14.0pt;"><br /></span></u></b>
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<span style="color: #2a313d; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">June
29, 2014 (on the occasion of Worth's birthday and the memorial service being held for her today in Arlington, Virginia)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="color: #2a313d; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">By
Michelle Karshan<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><b>Honor, Respect!</b></i> is the traditional greeting in Haiti. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Worth Cooley-Prost, a dedicated social justice
advocate, lived by these words in her work on behalf of Haiti. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Worth had the deepest honor and respect for Haitians and Haiti’s
faith-based and grassroots organizations and worked alongside some of Haiti’s
leading progressive clergy at the time. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
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Out of love, commitment, honor and respect for the Haitian
people, Worth worked tirelessly in Haiti’s pro-democracy movement using her
organizing skills from her earlier years as a political activist in the peace
movement, her background in human services and her lengthy career as a
biomedical researcher. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Worth recently passed on but has left a legacy that
continues to inspire, educate, mobilize and empower others concerned with Haiti
and other similarly situated countries. Most importantly, Worth’s work was
directed to her own government, the United States, calling for accountability,
transparency and justice in its relationship with Haiti. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Worth’s research, revelations, and writings exposed
inconsistencies, corruption, human rights abuses and atrocities committed by
both the U.S. and Haitian governments, the medical community in both countries,
and by International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and NGOs. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></div>
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Worth was an active and key board member of the now defunct
Washington Office on Haiti (WOH), <span style="color: #0e0000; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">an independent, ecumenical, nonprofit
organization founded in 1984 to support Haiti's grassroots movement for
democracy, human rights and self-determined development through public
education, information and analysis, especially on the effects of U.S. policy
on the Haitian poor.</span> <o:p></o:p></div>
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Worth had a unique ability to “connect the dots” bringing
otherwise hidden and complex issues to light.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Worth also connected people and organizations together. She was a highly respected
organizer, and wrote several reports and articles making sure that the
Washington Office on Haiti and her research and findings were widely available.
Worth also sat on the board of the National Coalition for Haitian Refugees. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Worth pioneered research on several hot issues that continue
to be controversial such as rice imports, medical experimentation on Haiti’s most
vulnerable, elections and electoral observers, and the complex web of U.S.
democracy enhancement as it played out in Haiti.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Additionally, with Worth’s leadership, the Washington Office
on Haiti played a significant role in organizing and participating as election
observers in 1991 in Haiti’s first presidential elections following the ouster
of Duvalier. This first democratic election swept Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide
to the presidency despite the international communities dislike of the
liberation theology priest. See Washington Office on Haiti. 1991. Report on the
Elections of December 16, 1990. Washington, D.C.<o:p></o:p></div>
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Seven months after his inauguration President Aristide was
overthrown in a bloody coup carried out by Haiti’s military. Swift action and
coordination by the Washington Office on Haiti helped unite thousands of people
and organizations internationally in a mobilization for the restoration of
democracy in Haiti – namely that President Aristide be returned to his
presidency in Haiti.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>And, despite aggressive
disinformation regarding President Aristide’s human rights record during his
short seven months in office, Worth researched, documented and demonstrated through
a Washington Office on Haiti report that the facts were to the contrary.<o:p></o:p></div>
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In what is said to be the first time in history that a
deposed president was restored to power, President Aristide did return to his
constitutional position in Haiti in 1994 through an intervention by the United
States government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Through the coup
years (1991-1994) the Washington Office on Haiti had served as the central
coordinating organization with its offices in Washington DC. They provided
reports and briefings to U.S. Congress, the Congressional Black Caucus, and
human rights, faith-based and other organizations. Worth made dozens of trips to Haiti leading fact-finding delegations often at the most dangerous times, or to lead an election observer mission. </div>
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Worth’s work on behalf of Haiti lives on in her writings,
and the writings by others influenced by her work. The hot subjects she
researched and broke down for all to understand – including reporting on the
brutal dictatorship of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>President-for-life Jean-Claude Duvalier -- continue to be drawn on by
social justice advocates, human rights defenders, elected officials, and
litigators.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(A legal battle to try
Duvalier for crimes against humanity is currently being waged in Haiti’s
courts.) <o:p></o:p></div>
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Worth's combination of knowledge, analysis, persistence, courage,
love, spirituality, religion, generosity, inclusiveness and humor made her a
true wise woman who never really dies. <o:p></o:p></div>
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Today we see Haiti once again challenged by those who seek to return it to the days of Duvalierism and have already reversed many democratic gains. But the years of experiencing democracy and the incorporation of human rights -- made possible by the Haitian people and their supporters such as the Washington Office on Haiti and Worth Cooley-Prost -- can never be fully reversed.<br />
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Here’s a song that reminds me of Worth’s enormous ability
and energy to <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Kembe fem!</i> Hold strong!<o:p></o:p></div>
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<span style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: "American Typewriter"; font-size: 18.0pt; mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;"><a href="http://youtu.be/p7nud9Bj434">Best haitian gospel vox Dei populikenbe fem</a></span><span style="font-family: "American Typewriter"; font-size: 18.0pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><u><span style="font-size: 14.0pt;"><br /></span></u></b>
<span style="font-size: 19px;"><b>Some of the reflections posted on memorial page relating to Worth's work on Haiti:</b></span><br />
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<blockquote class="tr_bq">
"...Haiti has lost a true friend. Worth was a real character: open, generous, hilarious at times." <a href="https://m.facebook.com/claudette.werleigh?refid=52"><b><span style="color: #1a1e2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Claudette Werleigh</span></b></a><b><span style="color: #1a1e2a;">, </span></b><span style="color: #1a1e2a;">former
Executive Director of the Washington Office on Haiti </span><span style="color: #1c1c1c;">who went on to </span><span style="color: #262626;">become Haiti’s first female Prime Minister</span>,<span style="color: #1c1c1c;"> and current Secretary
General of Pax Christi International. </span></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
"Worth’s wit and wisdom and commitment were larger than life” and thanks Worth, “for all that I learned from you.” <b>Sister Mary Lynn Healy</b>, <span style="color: #1a1e2a;">who had served as the<b> </b></span><span style="color: #424242;">Executive Director at the Washington Office on Haiti</span>.</blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="color: #303539;">“I will always remember how tirelessly she worked at the Washington Office on Haiti on behalf of the Haitian people and against the dictatorship in Haiti in the late 80s. Those of us who worked with her to promote democracy will never forget her dedication to the cause of democracy in Haiti, her capacity to organize, her readiness to help. May she rest in peace. </span><i style="color: #303539;">Na wè lòt bò,Worth. Fè bon wout…" (We will see you on the other side. Safe journey…)</i> <b>Serge
Bellegarde</b>, who
works at the Organization<span style="color: #646464;"> </span>of American
States.</blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
“ …In addition to all the amazing love and light she brought to the world, she loved Haiti and worked tirelessly for justice for the Haitian people. She taught me much. <i>Mwen sonje ou." (I miss you)</i> <b>Leigh Carter</b>, Executive Director of Fonkoze USA, Haiti's Alternative Bank for the Poor.</blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="color: #1a1e2a;">“</span>I will always remember her for her wit about the absurdity of life and her passion for Haiti. Truly an incredible woman! Rest in peace.” <b>Father</b> <a href="https://m.facebook.com/jeffrey.duaime?refid=52"><b><span style="color: #1a1e2a; mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Jeffrey Duaime</span></b></a><span style="color: #1a1e2a;"><b>, </b>former pastor at church in Arlington, Virginia.</span></blockquote>
<blockquote class="tr_bq">
<span style="text-align: justify;">“</span><span style="color: #2a313d; text-align: justify;">Your determination to advocate for people marginalized by society was an inspiration for me.” </span><b style="text-align: justify;">John
Engle</b><span style="text-align: justify;">, a co-founder of Beyond
Borders, a faith-based organization working in Haiti, and current Co-Director of Haiti Partners.</span></blockquote>
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<b><u><span style="font-size: 14.0pt;">Examples of important writings by Worth Cooley-Prost (some in collaboration with others or on behalf of the Washington Office on Haiti). This is not a complete list. Please send other titles to Michelle.Karshan@gmail.com.</span></u></b></div>
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<ul>
<li><b>Research Vaccine Turned Deadly to
Third World Babies</b>, by Worth Cooley-Prost, Fact Sheet, Washington Office on
Haiti, 1997?, <span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><a href="http://www.whale.to/v/prost.html">http://www.whale.to/v/prost.html</a></span></li>
<li><b>The Haiti AID Scam</b>, The Progressive,
Sept. 1995 article by Worth Cooley-Prostand John Canham-Clyne</li>
<li><b>How the U.S. Made Haiti Sick, (U.S.
Aid, Go Home!)</b> by John Canham-Clyne and Worth Cooley-Prost, In These Times,
1996, <span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><a href="http://www.unz.org/Pub/InTheseTimes-1996jan08-00023">http://www.unz.org/Pub/InTheseTimes-1996jan08-00023</a></span></li>
<li><b>Neoliberalism in Haiti: The Case of Rice</b>, Sept. 1995 Haiti Info Vol
3, No. 24, <span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><a href="http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/210.html">http://www.hartford-hwp.com/archives/43a/210.html</a></span></li>
<li><b>Haiti Shows It's Ready for
Democracy</b> by Worth Cooley-Prost, National Catholic Reporter, July 28, 1995</li>
<li><b>Special Issue Report
re: Rice Corporation of Haiti</b>, October
27, 1995, Washington Office on Haiti</li>
<li><b>Democracy
Intervention in Haiti: The USAID Democracy Enhancement Project</b>, by Worth Cooley-Prost, Washington Office on Haiti, 1994</li>
<li><b>Internal Exile in Haiti: A
Country Held Hostage by Its Own Army</b>, Coalition for Civilian Observers in
Haiti, Washington Office on Haiti, 1993</li>
<li><b>Democracy Intervention: A Who’s Who
of NGOs</b>, Washington Office on Haiti, 1992</li>
<li><b>Breaking with Dependency and
Dictatorship: Hope for Haiti</b>, Covert Action Information Bulletin (Washington),
No. 36, by Fritz Longchamp and Worth Cooley-Prost, Spring 1991</li>
<li>Report on the Elections of
December 16, 1990. Washington Office on Haiti. 1991</li>
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<span class="MsoBookTitle"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">Worth Cooley-Prost and her writings are widely quoted in articles on Haiti, and her writings are cited in books, articles,
reports, academic papers, etc. The </span><span style="font-size: 19px;">following</span><span style="font-size: medium;"> is a list of books that cite Cooley-Prost's writings. </span></b></span><span style="font-size: 14pt;"><u><b>This is not a complete list. Please send other titles to Michelle.Karshan@gmail.com. </b></u></span><span style="font-size: 14pt;"><u><b>Books cited include:</b></u></span></div>
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<li><span style="color: windowtext;">(BOOK) <b>Consuming the Caribbean: From Arawaks to Zombies </b>by Mimi Sheller,</span> International Library of Sociology, Routledge, 2003</li>
<li>(BOOK) <b>When the Hands Are Many:
Community Organization and Social Change in Rural Haiti </b>by <a href="http://www.amazon.com/s/ref=dp_byline_sr_book_1?ie=UTF8&field-author=Jennie+M.+Smith&search-alias=books&text=Jennie+M.+Smith&sort=relevancerank"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Jennie M.
Smith</span></a>, Cornell University Press, 2001</li>
<li>(BOOK) <b>Haitian Refugees Forced to Return: Transnationalism and State Politics</b>, 1991 –1994, by <a href="https://www.google.com/search?client=safari&sa=N&rls=en&biw=1197&bih=803&tbm=bks&q=inauthor:%22G%C3%B6tz-Dietrich+Opitz%22&ei=iwWiU7n8KYucyASXsIGgDA&ved=0CB0Q9AgwADgK"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Götz-Dietrich
Opitz</span></a>, published by LIT Verlag, 1999</li>
<li>(BOOK) <b>Silencing the Guns in
Haiti: The Promise of Deliberative Democracy</b> by Irwin P. Stotzky, University Of
Chicago Press, 1999</li>
<li>(BOOK) <b>Electoral Observation and
Democratic Transitions in Latin America</b> by Kevin J. Middlebrook, ed., chapter
by Henry F. Carey, "Electoral Observation and Democratization in
Haiti," San Diego: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, Regents of the
University of California, 1998</li>
<li>(BOOK) <b>Framing Silence:
Revolutionary Novels by Haitian Women</b>, by Miriam J.A. Chancy, Rutgers
University Press, 1997</li>
<li>(BOOK) <b>Contested Social Orders
and International Politics</b> by <a href="http://www.amazon.com/s/ref=dp_byline_sr_book_1?ie=UTF8&field-author=David+Skidmore&search-alias=books&text=David+Skidmore&sort=relevancerank"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">David
Skidmore</span></a> (Editor), Vanderbilt University Press, 1997</li>
<li>(BOOK) <b>Promoting Polyarchy: Globalization, US Intervention and Hegemony </b>by William I.
Robinson, Cambridge University Press, 1996</li>
<li>(BOOK) <b>Haiti: The Breached Citadel </b>by Patrick Bellegarde-Smith, (Boulder: Westview, 1996</li>
<li>(BOOK) <b>Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions Since World War II </b>by <a href="http://www.amazon.com/William-Blum/e/B000APW3VO/ref=sr_ntt_srch_lnk_1?qid=1404017447&sr=1-1"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">William Blum</span></a>,
Peter Scott and Larry Bleidner, Common
Courage Press, 1995</li>
</ul>
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<!--EndFragment-->Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-37786419202026869162010-11-14T12:16:00.000-08:002011-01-18T11:28:51.180-08:00FROM DICTATORSHIP TO DEMOCRACY, Haiti: Ten Years After the September 30, 1991 Coup d’état<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Note: Written collaboratively and released in September 2001</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">From: MKarshan@aol.com</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Office of the Foreign Press Liaison, National Palace, Haiti</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Email:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>mkarshan@aol.com</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Telephone: (011509) 228-2058</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">FROM DICTATORSHIP TO DEMOCRACY </span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Haiti:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Ten Years After the </span></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">September 30, 1991 Coup d’état </span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">This is not a civil war.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>There is no confrontation.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The violence comes from one side alone.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>We feel there is a deliberate policy to eliminate Aristide partisans, to break the back of the pro-democracy movement and to terrorize the population. </span></i></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">A Ranking UN human rights official in Haiti, </span><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The Miami Herald, April 6, 1994 </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">INTRODUCTION</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The September 30, 1991 military coup d'etat in Haiti, the bloodiest coup in 200 years of difficult history is rooted in a continuum of struggle for democratic change in Haiti.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The continuum stretches back from before September 1991, out to today, and into the future.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although the contours of the struggle change, the objectives have always been liberty and dignity: liberty, of the body and of thought and expression, and the dignity of having the basic materials for human existence: food, shelter, healthcare and education. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">This struggle has borne fruit, Haiti's democracy dividend.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Irreversible progress in politics, justice and security has paved the way for fundamental and tangible improvements in the daily lives of Haitians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The brutal army was dismantled and replaced by a civilian police force, the number of public high schools doubled since 1994. An aggressive campaign to collect unpaid tax and utility bills has generated record revenues for the struggling government, and an extensive land reform program has distributed 2.47 acres of land to each of 1,500 peasant families.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The government has also aggressively pursued an open market approach that has resulted in the development of a competitive and vibrant telecommunication sector and the reopening of the flourmill and cement plant.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">HISTORICAL OVERVIEW: 200 Years of Struggle</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Haiti's very existence was born of the struggle for liberty and dignity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The world's first<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>independent Black Republic, and only successful slave revolt, emerged in 1804 after a long war with Napoleon's France.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Haiti immediately faced a hostile international community that, in some cases waited a full sixty years before recognizing her.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some countries only recognized Haiti after payment of a crippling indemnity of 150 million francs to France and the former slave owners.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This amount represented close to ten times the country's annual gross domestic product.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The payment of funds borrowed for the indemnity was not completed until 1922.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The burdensome repayment schedules denied Haiti the opportunity for any real economic development in the early years of the Republic.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Haiti was set on a devastating course of borrowing funds to re-pay an ever-growing debt.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Haiti's chronic indebtedness to foreign banks became a pawn in a scheme of<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>international financing with political repercussions at home.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Short-lived governments changed often in the years leading up to the nineteen-year United States occupation that began in 1915.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The Armed Forces of Haiti was created during the occupation as a "stabilizing," albeit repressive, force in the country.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The link between the new army and foreign financial interests was made clear when the occupiers seized all customs receipts, and used some of the proceeds to pay the salaries of U.S. officers.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;"></span> <br />
<a name='more'></a>The twenty-nine years of the Francois and Jean-Claude Duvalier dictatorship starting in 1957 institutionalized a system of corruption, violence, economic and social apartheid, and total political repression in Haiti.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>By 1986, the year Jean-Claude Duvalier was ousted from Haiti, the wealthiest 1% of the population had managed to seize 40% of the national income.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The army and a network of its henchmen, including section chiefs and the paramilitary Tonton Macoutes guaranteed fiscal impunity and maintained the Duvaliers' political stranglehold through brutality.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 29 years, 20,000 people are said to have been killed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The repression fueled the first mass exodus of refugees from Haiti, many fleeing on the high seas in substandard boats.</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">A partial government investigation documented over $570 million stolen by Jean-Claude Duvalier and his supporters in the last years of his reign. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">In 1986, a broad based democratic movement in Haiti propelled Duvalier's expulsion.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 1987, a new Constitution designed to undo the structural corruption and repression, decentralize political power from the city to the countryside, and create a civilian police force, was ratified by 99% of those voting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A progressive youth movement arose, and along with progressive Catholic Church groups called ti legliz, or "the little church," battled to lower entrenched illiteracy and raise living standards for all Haitians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Workers created labor unions and fought to improve working conditions. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">In contrast to civil society's progress towards democracy, the successive military regimes that followed the Duvaliers fought to maintain "Duvalierism without Duvalier."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The civilian police force was not established.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The first elections under the new Constitution, in November 1987, were aborted by military and paramilitary massacres at voting centers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The cycle of violence, repression and corruption continued.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Democratic change would not come easy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">In the fall of 1990, Haiti prepared for presidential elections that many feared would again end in violence.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On the<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>final day of registration, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a parish priest who had risen to national prominence in the democratic movement, became a candidate.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The announcement electrified the country, and after a 6-week campaign President Aristide was elected in Haiti's first free and fair election with an overwhelming 67% of the vote among a field of 13 candidates.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The new government pursued a program of social change based on the principles of participation, transparence and justice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It began the difficult task of cleaning up a corrupt civil service, enforcing tax codes, delivering services to citizens and fighting drug trafficking. The government promised to raise the minimum wage and pursue the literacy campaign thwarted by the military regimes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The international community applauded the reforms, and donors pledged funds to the new government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Haitians enjoyed a period of relative security, with military violence and criminal activity sharply reduced.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The tide of political refugees fleeing Haiti by boat dropped significantly, and many exiles returned.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The human rights situation improved dramatically, with unprecedented freedom of speech, press and association, and an end to state-sponsored violence.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">This progress ended on September 30, 1991, when the Haitian military violently overthrew the democratic government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>President Aristide and his government were forced into exile.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The military unleashed a campaign of terror and violence that in three years took the lives of over 5,000 Haitians, forced 300,000 into internal exile, and more than 100,000 onto the high seas under dangerous conditions.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The terror and political turmoil aggravated a growing AIDS<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>epidemic: the displacement quickened the spread of AIDS from urban to rural areas, and the well-documented introduction of rape as a form of political repression exposed thousands of women to the disease. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The coup targeted peasant organizations, the ti legliz groups, journalists, students, members of political parties, residents of Port-au-Prince slums that were strongholds of support for President Aristide and anyone advocating democratic change.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Some victims were chosen solely because of family or neighborhood links to the democracy movement.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The brutality was psychological as well as physical: victims' bodies were left on prominent streets for days, where they were eaten by pigs and dogs. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Despite these horrors, the majority of Haitians continued their non-violent resistance to the military regime.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>On October 15, 1994, constitutional order </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">was restored to Haiti by the U.S.-led multinational intervention force, pursuant to United Nations Security Council<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Resolution 940.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although part of the force's mandate, full disarmament of the former soldiers, paramilitaries and other enemies of democratic change was never achieved.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The top military and paramilitary leaders were given refuge abroad, and many </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">of their collaborators were protected within Haiti.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Today, the struggle to sustain democracy in every facet of Haitian life continues.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Democratic change remains the driving force behind the improvements made in Haitian society over the last seven years.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It powers the campaigns to reverse the illiteracy rate (now down to 55% from 85%), to provide basic services to all Haitians, to move the nation from "misery to poverty with dignity."</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The Haitian people understand that there are powerful opponents to democratic change, both in and outside of Haiti.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>They know that democracy's opponents will spare no effort, and will use an array of strategies and alliances to perpetuate the country's structural injustices from which a few benefit so much.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Nonetheless, the majority remains steadfast in its commitment to move<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>forward.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">FROM DICTATORSHIP TO DEMOCRACY: </span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Politics, Justice & Security</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Politics Under the Dictatorship</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The 1991 coup d'etat dashed Haitians' hopes that democracy had finally ended their history of repression.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In place of the exiled democratic leadership, the de facto authorities imposed an illegal "parallel" president and government.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Most pro-democracy leaders fled.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Those who stayed to advocate for the rule of law were persecuted, and tortured, even killed.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Minister of Justice Guy Malary was executed for insisting on doing his job.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Haiti's progress on the international scene was halted.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>International support and praise was halted and replaced by diplomatic isolation, an embargo, and eventually a commercial flight ban.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Foreigners who insisted on democracy, including human rights monitors from the United Nations and the Organization of American States, as well as the French Ambassador, were expelled.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Politics and the Restoration of Democracy</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">When the U.S.-led Multi-National Forces arrived in September, 1994, the troops were greeted with an enthusiasm commensurate with Haitians' belief that they brought democracy with them, and that the electoral choices of the people would finally be respected. The enthusiasm never died, but it was tempered by actions that threatened to circumscribe the Haitian electorate's free choice.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The military leadership was flown off to gilded exile and impunity in Central America and the United States.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Their luxurious houses in Haiti were rented by foreign embassies.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Emmanuel Constant, leader of the hated FRAPH terrorist paramilitary organization, was represented to the Haitian people as a political leader, and his death squad as a legitimate political party. The Multinational Forces raided FRAPH and military facilities, and confiscated over 160,000 pages of documents, including photos of those tortured and killed during the coup regime.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">President Aristide quickly named a government to take control of the state apparatus from those responsible for the coup regime to re-start the consolidation of democracy and to begin the process of reconciliation within Haitian society.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In order to bring as many people as possible into the effort, the government was broad-based, including opposition leaders and some former soldiers not implicated in human rights violations.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although reconciliation was an important objective, the government refused to accept a superficial reconciliation, and insisted on justice -- still the number one priority of the Haitian people.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Politics Under Democracy</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">On February 7, 1996, President Aristide became the first Haitian president to leave voluntarily at the end of his original term.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He passed the mantle to President Rene Preval, Haiti's second freely elected president, who would later make history as the first president to serve out his full original term in office, no more, no less.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>When President Preval passed the mantle back on February 7, 2001, a rhythm of democracy was established.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>For the first time in Haiti's history, it<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>became realistic to calculate when the current president and his successors would take office, and when they would leave.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Both Presidents Preval and Aristide formed governments from a broad spectrum of Haitian society, including members of opposition parties and representatives of the private sector.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although persistent political conflicts created distractions during both administrations, both managed to make substantial progress toward the Haitian people's goal of human rights and dignity.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>(A chart outlining the progress the democratic government has achieved is attached.)</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The Haitian electorate has been given abundant opportunity to register its political choices since democracy's return.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 1995, elections were held for all seats in the House of Deputies, two-thirds of the Senate, all municipal posts, and president.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 1997, elections were held for the remaining third of the Senate, for the House of Deputies, local mayors and for local councils </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt; mso-ansi-language: FR;">called Assemblées Section Communale, or ASECs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The ASECs are vital to the Haitian political system because they choose the people who nominate judges and members of the Permanent Electoral Council, who<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>in<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>turn<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>oversee<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the elections.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although it was established by the 1987 Constitution, the ASEC system has never been fully implemented.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">In 2000 elections were held again, first in May for all municipal and most legislative seats, and later in November for president and the remaining legislators.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The first elections were by many standards the best in Haiti's history.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A record amount of candidates (29,500) competed for a record number of seats (7,500).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A record number of citizens registered (almost 4 million) to vote, and a record number (over 60% of those registered) voted.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The OAS observer mission called Election Day "a great success for the Haitian population, which turned out in large and orderly numbers… and for the Haitian National Police… who had been able to keep order quietly and effectively."</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Although seven of the approximately 7,500 races were challenged due to a technical dispute on how to calculate majorities in an at-large race, the voters consistently made two things clear: 1) by participating en masse, they showed their intent to continue the struggle for freedom and dignity through the ballot box, and 2) over and over again they chose the party and platform of Fanmi Lavalas to continue this struggle.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Fanmi Lavalas' reform program has been hampered by a series of political disputes, particularly in Parliament.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The last legislature, the 46th, passed nine laws in its four years from 1995 to 1999.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In particular, it failed to initiate the process of amending the Constitution to eliminate the armed forces, although such a measure is supported by an overwhelming majority of Haitians.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Under the amendment process, the legislature must pass a proposed amendment by a two-thirds vote during its last session.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>If the subsequent legislature ratifies it by another two-thirds vote at its first session, it becomes law upon the installation of the next president.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The current legislature is striving to make up for lost time, despite an ongoing dispute over seven senate's seats.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In its first ten months, it has already passed significant laws including Haiti's first money laundering regulations, and unprecedented protections for children's rights, including a prohibition on corporal punishment and all forms of violence against children.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Since the return of democracy in 1994, Haiti has steadily increased its standing in the international community. Its democratic government is recognized by all countries, and has been accepted as the first non-Anglophone member of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It participates fully in the Organization of American States, the United Nations, and in many other bilateral and multilateral activities.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The UN/OAS human rights mission that was twice expelled by the coup leaders returned with President Aristide and stayed until its mandate ended in February 2001.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Haiti recently invited the OAS to send an electoral mission.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Since 1995, Haiti has hosted many international gatherings, including a meeting of OAS foreign ministers and the World Health Organization's regional meeting.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Haiti has also ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child, and signed the treaty creating the International Criminal Court.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Challenges Ahead For Politics</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The primary challenge for Haitian society has been unchanged since 1987: the full implementation of the rights and liberties guaranteed by the Constitution.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Parliamentary elections must be held as scheduled and according to law, and must acquire the same rhythm of democracy as the presidential elections.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The ASEC system, which chooses the Permanent Electoral Council that ultimately gives elections credibility, has never been implemented in the Constitution's 14 years, and needs to be.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although several of the provisional electoral councils have done good work under difficult circumstances, the Constitution only contemplated the first one as a transitional measure. As long as the electoral councils are provisional, </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">the elections they run, no matter how fair, will be subject to attack.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The complete implementation of the Constitution will require the participation of a broad spectrum of Haitian society and the international community.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>But we must not lose sight of the imperative that majority rule is the touchstone of democracy.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Although compromises regarding election procedures may be necessary to resolve the current impasse, they cannot compromise the fundamental right of the Haitian electorate to choose its own leaders.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Justice Under the Dictatorship</span></b></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">In 1990, the Lawyer's Committee for Human Rights reported that "[t] here is no system of justice in Haiti.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Even to speak of a 'Haitian justice system' dignifies the brutal use of force by officers and soldiers, the chaos of Haitian courtrooms and prisons, and the corruption of judges and prosecutors."<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The rights of the accused were systematically ignored during all of Haiti's dictatorships.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Arrests were routinely effected without a warrant, and those arrested could be held for years, often for political reasons, without being formally charged.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Civil cases moved very slowly, and generally involved bribes.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Courtroom proceedings were conducted almost exclusively in French, which was understood by the lawyers and judges, but not most defendants, victims, witnesses and citizens.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Popular organizing or education with respect to justice issues was discouraged, often </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">with bullets.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">The justice system descended even further during the 1991-1994 dictatorship.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The military and their paramilitary allies dominated the system, and judges and prosecutors either did their bidding or were themselves arrested or persecuted.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The system helplessly observed the repression, or actively participated in it.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>None of the 5,000 politically motivated killings during that period were prosecuted, nor were the hundreds of thousands of cases of beatings, rape or other torture by the military and paramilitary forces.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>A former prosecutor, on the stand in a trial for a coup era massacre, asked why he had not prosecuted anyone at<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>the time of the attack.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>He admitted that he knew the authors, and had been legally obligated to pursue them, but invoked the Haitian Creole proverb: "the Constitution is paper, bayonets are </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">steel." </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Prisons in Haiti have traditionally been both brutal and porous.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Those with money or influence escaped easily, while those left behind were routinely and brutally mistreated by the military guards.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Entire facilities were reserved for political prisoners.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Private homes were used as prisons, interrogation centers and torture chambers.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>order to mask the abuses, prison records were shoddy or non-existent.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>This made it difficult for lawyers and human rights advocates to establish claims of illegal detention.</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Prisons deteriorated even further under the coup regime.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The dictators released many prisoners convicted of serious human rights violations, and filled the cells with people suspected of the slightest of pro-democracy activities. Beatings, torture and killings in the prisons were routine. </span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">See Part II</span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div><div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; tab-stops: 45.8pt 91.6pt 137.4pt 183.2pt 229.0pt 274.8pt 320.6pt 366.4pt 412.2pt 458.0pt 503.8pt 549.6pt 595.4pt 641.2pt 687.0pt 732.8pt; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span style="font-family: 'Courier New'; font-size: 10pt;">Note: If you want your name removed from this mailing list please notify us by email.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>See the National Palace website at <a href="http://www.palaisnational.org/"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.palaisnational.org</span></a></span></div><div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none; mso-pagination: none; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><br />
</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-11164909317147634612010-09-09T21:08:00.000-07:002010-09-09T21:08:27.803-07:00Ira Kurzban letter to New York Times re factual errors by Lydia Polgreen (Jan 2, 2004)Letter from Ira J. Kurzban, Esq. <br />
<br />
<br />
January 2, 2004<br />
<br />
<br />
Ms. Lydia Polgreen<br />
New York Times<br />
New York, New York<br />
<br />
Dear Ms. Polgreen:<br />
<br />
I write to you and your editors because of numerous factual errors contained in your story on the January 1st celebrations in Haiti marking the 200 anniversary of that country's independence. I assume that the factual errors arose from your lack of familiarity with the political situation in Haiti or because you have been provided a good deal of misinformation. The article that I will address below was published on Friday, January 2, 2004 in the International section of the New York Times.<br />
<br />
First, your article states that: "Mr Aristide was re-elected to the presidency in voting that many observers said was flawed" and that as result "the country had been locked in political crisis." You further stated that: "The dispute led international donors to suspend $500 million in aid¶" These statements are inaccurate. Such erroneous statements regarding Haiti often arise from the common confusion between the May 2000 parliamentary elections and the November 2000 presidential election. In May, 2000, there were 30,000 candidates who ran for 7,500 positions ranging from mayors and department representatives to Senators and members of the lower chamber. Of the 7,500 elections, the Organization of American States challenged the methodology used in counting 8 senate seats. While the independent electoral council (called the "CEP" in Haiti) claimed that the methodology used in counting the victors in those elections had been used in previous elections, the OAS observers disagreed. The OAS report is clear that there were no credible allegations of wide spread fraud in the elections.<br />
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In any event, no responsible international organization or observers contended that Mr. Aristide's election which occurred in November, 2000 was invalid or tainted in any manner as you suggested in your article. I invite you to review the OAS reports. It was clear in November, 2000 that Mr. Aristide's election was not marred by fraud or allegations of impropriety.<br />
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As soon as Mr. Aristide took office in February 2001 he used the power of his Presidency and as the head of his party to encourage the senators from the 8 contested seats to step down and pave the way for a new election. The seven senators from his party, Lavalas, agreed to do so. The eighth senator, who came from an opposition party, declined to do so.<br />
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The second error in your article is the claim that the international embargo was the result of Mr. Aristide's election. Again, this is erroneous. The international embargo began toward the end of Mr. Preval's term and had nothing to do with Mr. Aristide's election. Indeed, the United States government has repeatedly taken the position that Mr. Aristide is the democratically elected president of the nation. The embargo was continued under President Aristide's term under the claim that funds would not be released until a settlement was reached with the opposition, notwithstanding the fact that the seven senators had resigned. The embargo, which continues to exist today, and makes it impossible for the government to have any success in alleviating the poverty you address in your article, is therefore not in response to solving the political impasse. That impasse was solved when the senator's stepped down. Nor can the financial embargo be seriously linked to progress in making the country more democratic, because the World Bank, the United States, France and the European Union, who today refuse to provide any direct assistance to the Government of Haiti, provided financial assistance to the Duvaliers during their dictatorship, as well as the military governments that succeeded Duvalier. I leave it to your judgment and good sense as to the true reasons for the embargo. In any event, they are completely unrelated to President Aristide's election. <br />
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The third error in your article is simply baffling. I assume you attended the January 1st ceremonies at the National Palace in Port-au-Prince based upon the information contained in your story. The Miami Herald stated that there were "hundreds of thousands" of Haitians at the National Palace. Even the most minimum reasonable estimate of the number of supporters at the National Palace on January 1st, had to range conservatively from 50,000 to 100,000 people. Your description that Aristide spoke to a "small but enthusiastic crowd" simply blinks reality. I have taken the liberty to send photographs to a professional service that will provide me and your editors with a true count as to the number of people who appeared at the National Palace. Although the numbers game can be tricky and I am not assuming you had any bias in writing your article, one would literally have to be blind to say that there was a "small" crowd at the National Palace.<br />
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Your article also states that President Mbeki was the only head of state to attend the ceremonies. Your article states: "But it was a measure of Mr. Aristide's political isolation and Haiti's persistent troubles that only one [head of state] showed up." Your own article contradicts this assertion as you state later that the Prime Minister of the Bahamas attended the ceremonies. Indeed, as you were at the National Palace, I am sure you heard Prime Minister Perry Christie state that this was an historic occasion because it was the first time a head of state from the Bahamas had visited the Republic of Haiti. I understand that this may not detract from your general statement, but it certainly is misleading to single out Mr. Mbeki, to ignore Prime Minister Christie, and to ignore the scores of delegations from around the world who attended the celebration.<br />
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Finally, there is the question of violence. Your article was remarkably silent on the violence perpetrated by the opposition on January 1st and before that date. Opposition members burnt a police car on January 1st. They blocked all three major roads into the center of Port-au-Prince by setting fires in the road and placing boulders throughout the city. I am sure you witnessed all of these events if you were in Port-au-Prince. Yet your article makes the opposition appear as law abiding democratically-motivated individuals who are subjected to tear-gassing by the police on one hand and violence by Aristide supporters on the other. Had you inquired sufficiently, you would have learned that more supporters of Lavalas have been killed since December 5, 2003 than in the opposition. I am not condoning violence on either side. However, it is misleading to suggest that the violence is simply directed at one side as opposed to the other.<br />
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In light of the numerous errors in the article and as the counsel for the Government of Haiti in the United States, I kindly request that these errors be corrected publicly in a manner the New York Times deems appropriate.<br />
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As I am certain there was no intention on your part to be biased in the presentation of the facts, I would be honored to have the opportunity to discuss with you any of these or other matters that are of interest to you concerning the Government of Haiti.<br />
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Sincerely,<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Ira J. Kurzban, Esq.<br />
<br />
<br />
The New York Times corrects two points in its Bicentennial story<br />
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<br />
<br />
LYDIA POLGREEN and has added these two paragraphs as an addendum to the original article:<br />
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"An article on Friday about the bicentennial of Haiti's independence misidentified the election that outside observers called flawed, a finding that led to the suspension of $500 million in foreign aid to Haiti and contributed to the current political crisis there. It was the May 2000 legislative election, in which the Organization of American States disputed the counting method used in eight Senate races, not the November 2000 election of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, which the O.A.S. said was not fraudulent."<br />
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"Because of an editing error, the article also referred imprecisely to the size of the crowd that attended the bicentennial celebration outside the presidential palace. While the government estimated it in the hundreds of thousands, and outside journalists' estimates ranged as low as 15,000, the crowd was not small.'Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-75305258899565505162010-09-08T19:31:00.000-07:002010-09-08T19:31:36.829-07:00Karshan to Vedrine on education (March 2003)From: MKarshan@aol.com <br />
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<br />
<strong><span style="font-size: large;">Karshan to Vedrine on education*</span></strong><br />
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Haiti list, 5 March 2003<br />
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Vedrine raises very valid points about the education system in Haiti. Under President Preval the Minister of Education began to address these concerns by creating standardized education. <br />
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Paolo Friere, the Brazilian educator who dared to teach literacy to Brazil’s peasants, addressed these critical points in his Pedogogy of the Oppressed (published in numerous languages and once banned in South Africa, punishable by imprisonment), describing such teaching methods as a banking system where a teacher merely deposits the information and the pupil is graded for how well he can spit it back verbatim—usually without concern as to whether the student understood the material or concepts therein. <br />
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I think of that book when I hear Haitian children sitting for hours reciting material. Not all schools are operating like this. For two years my daughter went to a middle class Haitian school where the teachers were excited about the materials and the children were engaged in dialogue. Of course this also goes to the issue of how a society views children. <br />
<br />
I have been haunted by the fact that very few Haitian students actually read novels, instead learning about novels from the notes of teachers passed from one to another. <br />
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I think what Friere was also pointing out, and Bob correct me if I’m wrong (Bob taught a Friere course!) was that such a system, as well as a society that is content to keep its people illiterate, is part of a structure to maintain the status quo in societies such as Brazil, Haiti, etc. <br />
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So, by changing the educational system to one where all children will learn and can excel, ultimately transending class lines, you are engaging in a revolution, that will ultimately transform the society. That is why Friere was originally thrown out of Brasil and why literacy was not on the government agenda before Aristide. Instead literacy workers were sought and killed (La Saline 1987?). <br />
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With a large percent of the schools in Haiti being private, and many of those being driven just by the desire for profit, or private schools being overcrowded because the government doesn’t provide enough schools, education suffers. That is why it is essential that the government of Haiti continue building schools throughout the country but also essential is teacher training and a new view of children. <br />
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* post from the Corbett listserve <br />
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<div style="text-align: right;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small;">From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</span></strong></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-79042703758254286302010-08-28T14:56:00.000-07:002010-09-03T23:15:17.098-07:00Briefing Paper on Haiti's Deteriorating Health Conditions in Wake of US-Led Financial Embargo (March 2002)From: <a href="mailto:MKarshan@aol.com">MKarshan@aol.com</a><br />
<br />
<strong>March 2002</strong><strong><br />
</strong><br />
<strong></strong><br />
<strong>BRIEFING PAPER ON HAITI'S DETERIORATING HEALTH </strong><strong>CONDITIONS IN WAKE OF US-LED FINANCIAL EMBARGO</strong><br />
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<strong>THE UNITED STATES RESISTS HUMANITARIAN CALLS TO RELEASE AID </strong><strong>AND LOANS PROMISED FOR HAITI'S HEALTH SERVICES AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS</strong><br />
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<div style="text-align: center;">"There are too many needs in Haiti going unaddressed and we should not be holding up any funds. We are putting politics and process above the needs of the Haitian people." Andrew Cuomo, February 20, 2002 on a recent visit to Haiti where he toured the maternity ward of the ailing State General Hospital</div><br />
<strong>Background</strong>:<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">At the urging of the United States, funds to the government of Haiti are being withheld by the United States, the European Union, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). In early 2001, the government of Haiti met all the conditions for the approval of the IDB loans, which are for health and accompanying development, including satisfying all arrears owed to the IDB. The IDB subsequently approved the loans to Haiti and were ready to disperse the funds when the US caused them to be halted ( i ). Although the IDB acknowledges that this situation is unprecedented, the government of Haiti is being penalized with a charge of $79,000 per month in credit commissions to the IDB on loans, which have yet to be disbursed.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The first phase of the IDB loans is to address quality and access to healthcare through targeted tasks such as construction of low-cost community health centers, training of personnel, purchase of basic materials, providing of healthcare services to 2 million Haitians (25% of population), including pre-natal, post-natal care, primary dental care, treatment of contagious diseases. The ultimate objective is to reduce the high infant mortality rate, reduce the high juvenile death rate, and reduce the birth rate ( ii ).</div><br />
<strong>Current Status of Healthcare in Haiti:</strong><br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">With the current financial sanctions taking a toll on Haitians and the delivery of healthcare, the original statistics cited in 1998 with the signing of the loan agreements between the IDB and the government of Haiti pale when compared with today's realities as follows ( iii ):</div><br />
· Child mortality rose from 74 deaths per 1,000 to 80;<br />
<a name='more'></a><br />
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· Juvenile death rose from 131 deaths per 1,000 to 149 in the rural countryside;<br />
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· The birth rate rose from 4.6 to 4.7 and as high as 7.6 in one of the poorest sanitary departments.<br />
<br />
Leading Healthcare Providers in the NGO Community of Haiti Call for Immediate Release of the IDB Health Loans:<br />
<br />
Dr. Bill Pape, co-founder of Centre GHESKIO, the oldest AIDS treatment and research institution, wrote to the IDB president urging that the health loan be released because, "a battle against AIDS is directly linked to the reorganization of the health system."<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">Dr. Paul Farmer, medical director of a private health facility in Haiti's Central Plateau that treats patients infected with HIV/AID, tuberculosis and other diseases, reports that "the aid embargo has in effect rendered the Ministry of Health incapable of reviving the national network of clinics and hospitals." Dr. Farmer's facility, which normally receives no more than 25,000 visits per year, will this year see an estimated 60,000 patients. He attributes this rise to, "dramatically diminished ability of the public-health system to respond to the needs of the Haitian people. The Ministry of Health, the only institution with a mandate to serve the entire population, has been strapped by financial constraints."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Assistance through the NGO sector is simply not enough and is no substitute for a comprehensive public health policy. In its 2001 newsletter, the Haitian Health Foundation, a non-profit organization working in Haiti wrote, "the number of villages that we serve has grown from 15 to 92 with a population that now stands at more than 200,000. Despite this dramatic increase, USAID has failed to keep pace."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">According to Dr. Farmer, although the Haitian HIV/AIDS epidemic has been contained more effectively than in many African countries, it is the gravest in this hemisphere. World Bank assistance for HIV prevention has continued to flow to other less gravely affected countries in the region but not to Haiti. A one million dollar pledge of funds by the IDB for Haiti, made 5 months ago, even when it was criticized for its disproportionate allocation of funds to administrative costs versus the actual treatment of AIDS, has yet to make it to Haiti.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In a recent visit to Haiti, Congresswoman Carrie Meek, citing worsening health indicators, said, "It is morally correct to release the aid," and Congressman John Conyers said that resources, materials, food and assistance "should be coming into Haiti unabated!"</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The US Fights Back Against Humanitarian Calls for Release of Health Monies:Despite the alarming impact of the sanctions on Haiti which have caused an increase in preventable and treatable diseases and a higher </div><div style="text-align: justify;">mortality rate, U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, stating that, "we have questions about providing that kind of assistance [to the government of Haiti]," stood firm recently against the recommendations made by the 15-nation CARICOM block who have called for the lifting of the sanctions.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite Obstacles, the Government of Haiti Continues to Address Health Needs Despite tremendous obstacles and decreasing resources, the government of Haiti (GOH) has made some important strides in the health sector:</div><br />
In October 2001, the GOH completely renovated and reopened the School of Midwifery; <br />
<br />
Haiti is part of an important 3-country HIV/AIDS trial vaccination program;<br />
<br />
New healthcare centers were opened in three municipalities, St. Louis du Sud, Thomazeau, and Raboteau;<br />
<br />
New healthcare centers were opened in three municipalities, St. Louis du Sud, Thomazeau, and Raboteau;<br />
<br />
Renovations of existing health centers and/or hospitals have been completed or are underway:<br />
<br />
· St. Catherine in Cite Soleil;<br />
<br />
· The operating room at the Port Salut health center;<br />
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· A modern operating room was added to the hospital in Jean Rabel;<br />
<br />
· The Miragoane public hospital;<br />
<br />
· The Cap Haitian public hospital;<br />
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· The pediatric ward of the St. Marc public hospital;<br />
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· The public hospital in Gonaives;<br />
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The morgue at the State University Hospital was fully renovated, and doctors were trained in forensic medicine;<br />
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The GOH's cooperation with Cuba has lead to the expansion of the number of physicians in areas of the country with no doctors;<br />
<br />
The GOH initiated a salt iodination project to combat iodine deficiencies reported to affect 10% of the population;<br />
<br />
The government initiated an aggressive campaign to vaccinate children against measles, rubella, polio, and other childhood diseases.<br />
___________________________<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">1 On July 21, 1998, the Government of Haiti (GOH) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) signed a 22.5 million dollar loan for Phase I of a project to decentralize and re-organize the national healthcare system. The GOH was required to contribute 2.5 million dollars to this project. In October 1998 the GOH's Ministry of Health presented the IDB loan agreement to the 46th Legislature for ratification; the Haitian parliament was, at the time, dominated by the political party OPL, now leading spokesparty for Convergence Democratique, a platform of opposition parties that continues to oppose the release of this and other humanitarian assistance to the GOH. The legislature's term expired in January 1999 without ratification of the IDB contract.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In October 2000, after the installation of the 47th Legislature the new parliament immediately ratified the IDB health project along with 3 other vital IDB loan agreements for education, potable water and secondary roads.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The GOH and IDB collaborated immediately to update and revise the health project. On March 2, 2001 when the new government was installed, the Minister of Health notified the IDB that the conditions required of the GOH under the loan agreements had been fulfilled. Later that month, with the verbal assurance from the IDB that the health loans and 3 accompanying development loans would indeed be funded, the GOH satisfied all arrears owed to the IDB.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In April 2001 at the Summit of the Americas in Quebec, the IDB informed the GOH that there was nothing precluding the release of funds to Haiti, except for authorization by the U.S. On May 15, 2001, notwithstanding the fact that still not one penny of the 22.5 million dollar health loan or the other 3 loans had been funded, the IDB advised the GOH that it was being charged and would be required to pay a "credit commission" of 0.5% of the entire balance of undispersed funds effective 12 months after the date of approval of the loans. Based on calculations provided by the IDB, every month that political "crisis" is allowed to endure and approved loans from the IDB are not dispersed, the GOH would be required to pay $79,000 a month in credit commissions alone.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In a letter dated June 4, 2001, the IDB acknowledged that, "the position of certain members of the IDB Administrative Council regarding the situation in Haiti is temporarily preventing the institution from strictly conforming to the norms and procedures agreed to with respect to the management of the project [with Haiti.]" And that in this "unprecedented situation", it was awaiting the green light from either the Organization of American States (OAS) or "major partners" of the IDB's Administrative Council, to go forward with the loans. The IDB further acknowledged that, "the Minister of Health extended considerable efforts to elaborate the necessary support documentation and has satisfied the pre-conditions." The letter goes on to reaffirm the inability of the IDB to "honor its commitment" and requests that the GOH advance monies to the ministries of health, education, and public works, "since the preconditions have been satisfied", with the assurance that </div><div style="text-align: justify;">this advance would be reimbursed by the IDB once the loan was funded.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">To date, the loans, totaling 145.9 million dollars, have not been funded.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The "authority" sought from the OAS or the IDB's "major partners" has not been given, even as the GOH has made substantial progress towards the resolution of the political crisis with the resignation of all contested senators and a term reduction agreed to by all members of parliament elected</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">May 2000 -- the pre-conditions under the OAS resolution for the "normalization of relations between Haiti and the international financial institutions."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">11 During Phase I, the project targeted four of Haiti's ten sanitary departments, the goals were to:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Improve the quality and access to public and private health services;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Increase the efficiency of services at a national level; and</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Develop innovative models for healthcare services able to be reproduced at the national level.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Over the 3-year period of Phase I, the following was to be accomplished:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Technical assistance in the 4 sanitary departments;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The training of Haitian human resources;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Purchase of basic equipment and material;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Construction of low-cost community health clinics;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">And the provision of the below listed primary healthcare services to 2 million Haitians, 25% of the population:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Complete health care services for all children;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Pre-natal and post-natal care;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Reproductive healthcare;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Treatment of contagious disease;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Surgical emergencies;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Essential medicines;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Health education; and</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Primary dental care.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The project's goal was to:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Reduce infant mortality rate from 74 deaths per 1,000 births to 50 deaths per 1,000 births;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Reduce juvenile death rates from 131 deaths per 1,000 births to 110 deaths per 1,000 births;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Reduce the birth rate from 4.6 to 4.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These statistics were recorded in 1998 at the signing of the loan agreements.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Since then, there has been an increase in the infant and juvenile death rate and an increase in the overall birth rate:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Child mortality rose from 74 deaths per 1,000 to 80;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· Juvenile death rose from 131 deaths per 1,000 to 149 in the rural countryside;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">· The birth rate rose from 4.6 to 4.7 and as high as 7.6 in one of the poorest sanitary departments.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">111 Alarming Health Indicators and HIV/AIDS</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Other recent health indicators in Haiti are alarming:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">62% of all births are not followed by any post natal care; in the rural countryside, that figure jumps to 71%;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">23% of all births take place outside a health facility;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">24% of all births are not accompanied by any healthcare professionals;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Only 34% of infants between the ages of 12 and 23 months are fully vaccinated;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">39% of children under 5 have, or have had, acute respiratory disease;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The maternal mortality rate is 523 deaths per 100,000 deliveries;</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On the HIV/AIDS front, the infection rate is nearly 5%, with 30,000 new cases annually.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Only 4% of woman questioned for a 2001 health survey and 6% of the men admit to ever having been tested for HIV/AIDS.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although the World Bank acknowledges and claims "concern" for a worsening poverty in Haiti, it issued a statement on February 8, 2002, that it would not extend any new credits for Haiti because of the "political crisis."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Distances Traveled by Haitians for Access to Health Care Reinforces Need for Decentralized Approach Adopted in the Blocked IDB Health Project </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">According to the most recent survey here are estimates of distances that must be traveled by urban and rural residents to reach 3 categories of health facilities in Haiti:</div><br />
Health Facility Distance % of Rural Population %Urban Population<br />
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____________________<br />
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Hospitals Less than 5 kms 8.2% 65%<br />
<br />
5 to 14 kms 27%<br />
<br />
26.6%<br />
<br />
15 kms or more 59.2%<br />
<br />
8.4%<br />
<br />
None available 5.6%<br />
<br />
-<br />
<br />
<br />
Health Clinics Less than 5 kms 34.9% 83%<br />
<br />
5 to 14 kms 31.2%<br />
<br />
13.1%<br />
<br />
15 kms or more 34.0%<br />
<br />
3.4%<br />
<br />
None available - -<br />
<br />
<br />
Dispensaries Less than 5 kms 53.7% 89.8%<br />
<br />
5 to 14 kms 24.6%<br />
<br />
7.9%<br />
<br />
15 kms or more 16.2%<br />
<br />
2.3%<br />
<br />
None available 5.6%<br />
<br />
-<br />
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<div style="text-align: right;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small;">From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</span></strong></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-84973695153590107282010-08-28T14:44:00.000-07:002010-08-28T14:47:24.012-07:00Issue Papers, Feb 7 2003: Education & Adult Literacy LFrom: MKarshan@aol.com <br />
<br />
<strong><span style="font-size: large;">Education and Adult Literacy</span></strong><br />
<strong><span style="font-size: large;">Issue Papers, 7 February 2003</span></strong><strong><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"></span></strong><br />
<strong><span style="font-size: large;">EDUCATION </span></strong><br />
<br />
HISTORICAL CONTEXT <br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">Historically the Haitian government placed little emphasis on primary education, and even less so for children in rural area, with the first rural school established 40 years after the country’s independence. Public schools were scare and requirements for schooling, such as shoes, textbooks, school supplies, transportation, uniforms, were out of reach for the majority of children. As a result, those children fortunate to access schooling usually only reached third grade. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Haiti’s 1987 Constitution provides for schooling for all children, a concept consist with the democratic movement that swept the country at that time. President Aristide set education as a priority and set out upon his inauguration in 1991 to create conditions for all children to go to school. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">After President Aristide returned to Haiti, following the three year coup d’etat period, he immediately put in place a government program that would increase the number of schools, provide support services and materials for schooling, and provided 90,000 scholarships for primary school children, who unable to access a public school, relied on private schools in their regions. 200 primary and secondary schools were eventually built or renovated and the Ministry of Education standardized primary education. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">With President Aristide’s return to the presidency in 2001, his platform of Universal Schooling was implemented by dedicating 20% of the national budget to education. Renovation and construction of schools continues with the aim of providing one school in each of Haiti’s 565 communal sections. Additionally, a study was conducted to better understand what obstacles prevented rural children from accessing schooling in four major rural areas. Findings from that study created recommendations which when implemented allowed an additional 160,000 children to enter school Fall 2001. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">EFFORTS </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Created conditions which enabled an additional 160,000 children to enter school in Fall 2001; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•By end of school year 2002, 13 new public schools were created; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Provided support services to schooling including school buses; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Subsidized textbooks and supplies by 55% Fall 2001 and 2,275,400 textbooks subsidized by 60% in Fall 2002; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Provided 150,000 free uniforms in Fall 2001 and again in Fall 2002; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Breakfast and hot lunch program to reach 200,000 children school year 2002-2003; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Installed libraries and cyber cafes in public high schools; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Assistance with school tuition; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•57 schools renovated and 38 to be built school year 2002-2003. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">LITERACY </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">HISTORICAL CONTEXT </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Illiteracy stood at an abysmal rate of 85% while the people’s movement for literacy (or alphabetization) training was repressed by the military under the Duvalier regime. Illiteracy, one of the major obstacles to full human development, continued to handicap the majority of Haitians. Haitians remained limited to manual labor, unable to participate in tasks that required reading and writing skills, and preventing the majority from understanding documents, reading newspapers, business contracts, or their children’s school work. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">President Aristide created a Secretary of State for Literacy office after his return in 1994 laying the groundwork for a national campaign. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">AIMS </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The adult illiteracy rate currently stands between 55 to 60 percent. The government has set as one of its primary goals for Haiti’s 200th anniversary of independence in 2004 to significantly decrease the literacy rate. The linking of literacy with development motivates the population to participate in literacy centers, both in urban and rural settings. The success of this campaign will ultimately develop the nation as the poor, once they become literate, move into the business and social service sectors. Additionally, poverty reduction is achieved through literacy when, for example, parents can better participate in their child’s healthcare, farmers and merchants become better informed, and democracy strengthened when citizens are more fully informed. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">EFFORTS </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Launched nationwide literacy campaign in September 2001; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Waging public information campaign engaging population in literacy training; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Opened approximately 20,000 literacy centers; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•The Secretary of State for Literacy has created training materials for teachers and students with more than 2 million manuals printed; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Trained thousands of literacy facilitators and guides, including high school students; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Approximately 320,000 people currently enrolled in literacy classes in urban and rural areas; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•State offices, including National Palace, have established literacy training centers for employees or the public; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•In addition to government funds dedicated to literacy campaign, a fund was created through donations made by government officials and employees; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">•Distance training techniques for rural areas including radio classes with accompanying manual. </div> <br />
<div style="text-align: right;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small;">From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</span></strong></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-57419315437209874062010-08-28T01:38:00.000-07:002011-01-18T11:29:18.059-08:00‘Economic Terrorism’: Ignoring the Debt Issue in Haiti Part 1 by Michelle Karshan<strong>Jubilee's Blog the Debt (Member blogs from Haiti)</strong><br />
<strong>01 October 2007</strong> <br />
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<strong>‘Economic Terrorism’: Ignoring the Debt Issue in Haiti Part 1 </strong><br />
<strong>by Michelle Karshan </strong><br />
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<div style="text-align: justify;">[Michelle Karshan, a member of ONE Partner Jubilee USA and former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide foreign press liason, is fasting right now for Haiti. She blogs her perspective on how Haiti’s struggle with debt and economic recovery was ignored by the international press.]</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In May 2007, while in Haiti, friends told me of the rising cost of living. As I spent what seemed like a lot of money purchasing food to cook three meals a day, I wondered how folks were feeding their families even one meal a day at those exorbitant prices. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Michelet, a young man, considerably thinner since 2004, pointed out that he had personally seen a rise in TB in his own neighborhood. He explained that with the increase in the cost of living people could not nourish themselves enough to fend off disease. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dr. Paul Farmer has so eloquently drawn this connection between infectious disease and poverty, yet the international financial institutions have yet to reprioritize their economic plans. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide often referred to structural adjustment and the debt as “Economic Terrorism”, because globalization and the way it revolves around creating and keeping impoverished countries impoverished results in starvation, disease, illiteracy and death. And, in the end millions of dollars spent on poverty reduction cannot turn a country around without debt reduction and forgiveness.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Last week, while Haiti and each Haitian there still suffers from the backbreaking debt inherited from the Duvalier regime, former dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier was heard on the airways apologizing for the atrocities and corruption during his administration. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Not coincidentally, his plea for forgiveness came immediately following Switzerland’s announcement that they would extend the Haitian government’s period of time to wage their legal battle to recover the millions of dollars in Duvalier’s Swiss bank accounts. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Haitian President Rene Preval rightly responded to Duvalier’s maneuvers, stating that while forgiveness is good, justice must prevail. Preval made it clear that his government would continue its pursuit of the monies, and that if Duvalier chooses to return to Haiti he will certainly be brought to justice. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It was extremely frustrating working as the Foreign Press Liaison to presidents Aristide, Preval and Aristide again. All the while, the international press ignored the debt that shackled any efforts towards recovery, ignored the U.S.-led embargo against Haiti’s government, and the economic “death plan” Aristide tried to resist. The U.S. Embassy waged a campaign denying that there was any financial embargo and they harassed press who dared to call the embargo an embargo! </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The international press, distracting its readers from the real talking points, lay all blame at Aristide’s door, and characterized Haiti as: “spiraling downward;” “a basket case;” “a failed state;” and “a people unable to govern themselves.”</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Yet inside the storm, at the eye of the storm, was globalization, the endless debt, the imposed impoverishment of a country up against a proud nation that believes that justice — economic justice — means accessible, universal health care, schools, literacy programs, and the right to work and farm. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">It will not be hard for me to begin my fast today. What has been hard is to eat, knowing that more than 8 million people in Haiti cannot eat one meal a day.”</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-27177465333685995122010-08-27T05:44:00.000-07:002010-08-27T05:46:24.824-07:00We Will Not Forget. The Achievements of Lavalas in Haiti by Laura Flynn and Robert Roth<em><strong>To see or print actual full booklet with images:</strong></em> <a href="http://www.teledyol.net/WWNF/wwnf.pdf">http://www.teledyol.net/WWNF/wwnf.pdf</a> <br />
<br />
<strong>We Will Not Forget. </strong><strong>THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF LAVALAS IN HAITI </strong><strong>by Laura Flynn and Robert Roth, published by the Haiti Action Committee</strong><br />
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<strong>(Includes lists of achievements by subject)</strong><br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">In February 29, 2004, the constitutional government of Haiti was overthrown, bringing Haiti’s ten-year experience with democracy to a brutal end. Orchestrated by the United States, France and Canada, the coup forced President Jean-Bertrand Aristide into exile and removed thousands of elected officials from office.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A year after the coup, the Haitian people continue to demand the restoration of democracy. On September 30, 2004, tens of thousands of Haitians took to the streets of Port-au-Prince. Braving police gunfire, threats of arrests and beatings, they marched while holding up their five fingers, signifying their determination that Aristide complete his five-year term.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On December 1, 2004, while then-Secretary of State Colin Powell visited Haiti to express support for the coup regime, Haitian police massacred dozens of prisoners in the National Penitentiary who had staged a protest over prison conditions. Despite this repression, more than 10,000 demonstrators marched through the streets of Cap-Haitien on December 16, 2004, calling for the release of all political prisoners and the return of their elected president. On February 7, 2005, thousands more once again demonstrated in Port-au-Prince and other cities, raising the same demands.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Why are Haitians so insistent on Aristide’s return? Why have they been so resolute in their opposition to the coup and the subsequent U.S./U.N. occupation? Answering these questions requires a close look at what actually occurred during the years of democratic rule in Haiti.</div><br />
To view entire booklet. To see or print actual full booklet with images: <br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.teledyol.net/WWNF/wwnf.pdf">http://www.teledyol.net/WWNF/wwnf.pdf</a>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-21959440889057099542010-08-25T04:40:00.000-07:002010-08-25T04:43:05.179-07:00HAITI'S BICENTENNIAL: What's to Celebrate? by Adele DellaValle-Rauth (The Catholic Virginian)<strong><span style="font-size: large;">HAITI'S BICENTENNIAL: What's to Celebrate?</span></strong><br />
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<strong>By Adele DellaValle-Rauth, The Catholic Virginian, March 17, 2003</strong><br />
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<div style="text-align: justify;">As part of our January Richmond Diocese retreat mission in Haiti, jointly led by myself and Bob, our group of nine met with Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison in Haiti. Michelle hosted us in her home in Port-au-Prince where she lives with her daughter Riva.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the course of our conversation Michelle brought up the celebration of Haiti's bi-centennial in 2004. "The whole country is gearing up for this," she said excitedly.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Having just experienced the depth of the poverty in the capital city and in the rural countryside, and having visited Haiti many times since 1983, I couldn't resist asking: "What is there for Haiti to celebrate?" The economy is on a downward spiral, the Gourde has gone from 5Gde/$1US to 38Gde/$1US; Aristide is under attack from the foreign press (beginning with his presidency in 1991) but even internally there is some civil unrest and the subject of "regime change" comes up occasionally albeit from a vocal minority; some street violence by gangs has occurred attacking both demonstrators and opposition politicians; international donors have frozen $500 million in aid because of alleged irregularities in the 2000 Parliamentary elections; a U.S.-led embargo since January 2001 has prevented 146M in loans from being disbursed - loans marked and desperately needed for humanitarian use. Of course there is the gnawing challenge and responsibility in all of this to seek the truth and to separate truth from fiction, myth or propaganda.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>So - what's to celebrate?</strong></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Lots - according to Michelle and others. The struggle for democratic change in Haiti, she declares, has borne fruit. The objectives of this struggle have always been liberty and dignity: liberty, of the body and of thought and expression, and the dignity of having the basic materials for human existence: food, shelter, healthcare and education. There are some undeniable, tangible improvements, fruits of this struggle that dates back to Haiti's emergence in 1804 as the world's first independent Black Republic after a long war with Napoleon's France. Telescoping beyond early transitional years of oppression by self-appointed, punitive leaders, chronic indebtedness to foreign banks, U.S. Thomas Jefferson's embargo until 1862, a demeaning 19 years of U.S. occupation, 29 years of cruel Francois and Jean-Claude Duvalier dictatorships starting in 1957 and followed by an unstable series of short-term rulers - Haiti has made significant strides toward democracy since 1990:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>The Birth and Struggle of Democracy:</strong></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">- Haiti achieved the first free and fair elections in 1990 - with an overwhelming 67% of the electorate voting for Aristide.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite a brutal coup d'etat on Sept. 30, 1991, the bloodiest of 33 coups in 200 years of difficult history, democracy was restored in October 1994 with the return of Aristide.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Dissolution of the army in 1994, by President Aristide, has been called the most significant step forward for democracy in Haiti. The army was replaced by Haiti's first civilian police force.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On Feb. 7, 1996 President Aristide became the first Haitian president to leave voluntarily at the end of his original term (5 years minus 3 years of the coup), passing the mantle to President Rene Preval, Haiti's second freely elected president.</div><a name='more'></a><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Preval made history as the first president to serve out his full 5-year original term in office without interruption until February 7, 2001.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In elections of November 2000, in which 60% of the 4 million registered voters participated, Aristide was again elected overwhelmingly by the people. The election was in keeping with the constitution and observed by the international community.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Enactments and Advancements:</strong></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ministry of Women's Affairs and Rights created. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ministry of Tourism created. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Government of Haiti has been accepted as a full member of CARICOM (Caribbean community). </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Haiti has established good trade relations with Venezuela, Japan, Cuba, Belgium, Canada and all of the Caribbean countries. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Decrease in drug transshipping from 13% to 8% in 2000 according to U.S. State Department. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">An aggressive campaign to collect unpaid tax and utility bills has generated new revenues for the struggling government. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">An extensive land reform program has distributed 2.47 acres of land to each of 1500 peasant families in the fertile Artibonite River Valley. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The government has aggressively pursued an open market approach that has resulted in the development of a competitive and vibrant telecommunication sector. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Government Universal Schooling programs seek to enroll every child in school and build a school in each of Haiti's 565 rural sections; provided for 160,000 more children to enter school fall 2001. Over the last 7 years literacy campaigns have reduced the illiteracy rate from 85% to 55. 20.8% of national budget (2001-2006) devoted to education. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The number of public high schools has doubled since 1994. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A government-led nationwide child immunization program for polio and measles was successfully conducted. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The current legislature has passed laws including Haiti's first money laundering regulations and unprecedented protections for children's rights. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Port-au-Prince international airport and access roadways renovated; road construction underway to connect rural areas. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jacmel: Installed electrical plant that provides 24-hr. electricity, renovated port and wharf, paved road to nearby beaches. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Successful prosecution of coup regime's military leadership for their role in the Raboteau massacre during the coup period. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For the first time in Haiti's history the rights of the accused are generally respected. Warrants are issued in French and Creole and those arrested are generally brought before a judge within 48 hours. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Two recent landmark trials prove that the Haitian justice system is capable of effectively prosecuting human rights cases: the trial of the Carrefour Feuilles Massacre in May 1999 and the trial of the Raboteau massacre in April 1994 have both resulted in successful prosecution, sentencing and sending the perpetrators to prison. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">There is unprecedented freedom to organize, debate, associate, and expression guaranteed; the Constitution in Creole, the language of the people, is widely distributed. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In summary, from independence in history's first successful Black slave revolt, through liberation from 29 years of the Duvaliers to the unprecedented democratic progress since 1990, the Haitian people have continued to defy the odds and continue to struggle with tenacity and unity of purpose.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">As our delegation prepared to leave Haiti on January 18, purchases at the Duty-Free shops at the airport were placed in festive bags bearing the blue and red colors of Haiti and inscribed with: "2004 - Se Demen" The emphasis on tomorrow says it all. The majority remains steadfast in its commitment to move forward believing that a better tomorrow lies ahead. Graffiti and banners all around Port-au-Prince and in the countryside echo the Theme.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">I began to feel the impending spirit of the Bi-centennial. Michelle helped to show that much progress has been made since 1990 under a democratic form of government. Our group of nine had just experienced over a period of ten days the greatest and richest resource Haiti has to offer: the people. We saw hope where others might despair; a spirit of faith that speaks of resurrection. And we were made to feel welcome. Our hosts often said: "You are at home - this is your home." Let the Bi-centennial celebration of Haiti begin now!</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Pre-schoolers near Hinche, Haiti. Government programs are providing for more children to enter school and to build a school in each of Haiti's 565 rural sections.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">January 9-18, 2003, Adele DellaValle-Rauth, Diocesan Haiti Twinning Resource and her husband Bob, Consultant to the Pax Christi USA Haiti Task Force, led a Resurrection Parish/Diocesan Retreat to Haiti to visit twinned sites in Haiti and to meet with the Board of Directors of Pax Christi Haiti.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">February 7, 2003 Adele DellaValle-Rauth</div><div style="text-align: right;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small;">From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</span></strong></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-27551426858037107152010-08-25T03:47:00.000-07:002010-08-25T03:48:33.150-07:00Haiti Makes Its Case for Reparations by J. Damu (FinalCall)<strong><span style="font-size: large;">Haiti Makes Its Case for Reparations</span></strong> <br />
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<strong>By J. Damu, guest columnist, Final Call, 10 February 2004</strong><br />
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<strong>The meter is running at $34 per second</strong> <br />
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You've got to hand it to Haiti. Not only was it the world's first country of enslaved workers to stand up and demand their freedom and independence; now they are the world's first country to stand up to their former slavery-era master, France, and demand the return of its stolen wealth. <br />
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Everyone say "Amen." <br />
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Haiti's president and other government officials claim their country was held up at gunpoint in broad daylight in 1825 and now they want the admitted thief, France, to replace the stolen wealth to the tune of $21.7 billion. his, despite massive attempts, well documented elsewhere, by the United States and world lending institutions to destabilize and overthrow the democratically elected government of Jean Bertrand Aristide. <br />
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Government officials also say, due to forced efforts to hand over its wealth in a timely manner to France, the coerced payments so distorted and stunted the economy, Haiti feels the effects to this day. They also say, due to those efforts, Haiti became saddled with a form of class oppression that resembles racism. <br />
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In a soon to be published booklet provided to a U.S. reporter by the foreign press liaison to President Jean Bertrand Aristide, Haitian government officials dissect the 1825 "agreement" that initially forced Haiti to pay to France 150 million francs in exchange for liberty. <br />
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The booklet, like Haiti's restitution claim, is based largely on the research of Dr. Francis St. Hubert, a member of the government's Haiti Restitution Commission. <br />
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"I did most of my research in New York at the Columbia University Library and the Schomburg Center," Dr. Hubert said by phone from Port-au-Prince. <br />
<a name='more'></a><br />
"We are pursuing this case from three different angles. We are doing publicity and educational campaigns, we are pursuing our claims through the diplomatic community, and we are preparing a legal case," he said. <br />
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"Haiti's claim is not really for reparations for slavery," said Ira Kurzban, Miami immigration attorney and Haiti's chief counsel in the U.S., "but for restitution specifically that happened in 1825. It is based on the French government's efforts to extract 150 million French francs (which is equal to $21 billion today) from an economy the French knew couldn't afford it, through the use of force. This is impermissible under international law." <br />
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"I can't tell you how we plan to proceed legally," he said by telephone. The Haitians will make their own announcement when they are ready, he said. <br />
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According to the booklet, which will soon be published under the name of the Haiti Restitution Commission, following the 1804 revolution that expelled France, Haiti was divided into two districts, northern and southern, but was re-united following the death of Henri Christophe in 1820. <br />
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Under the new president, Jean Pierre Boyer, diplomatic notes began to be exchanged with various French functionaries on the diplomatic recognition of Haiti. <br />
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Finally in 1825, France, which was being encouraged by former plantation owners to invade Haiti and re-enslave the Blacks, issued the Royal Ordinance of 1825, which called for the massive indemnity payments. In addition to the 150 million franc payment, France decreed that French ships and commercial goods entering and leaving Haiti would be discounted at 50 percent, thereby further weakening Haiti's ability to pay. <br />
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According to French officials at the time, the terms of the edict were non-negotiable. And to impress the seriousness of the situation upon the Haitians, France delivered the demands by 12 warships armed with 500 canons. <br />
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The 150-million-franc indemnity was based on profits earned by the colonists, according to a memorandum prepared by their lawyers. In 1789, Saint Domingue - all of Haiti and Santo Domingo - exported 150 million francs worth of products to France. In 1823 Haitian exports to France totaled 8.5 million francs, exports to England totaled 8.4 million francs, and exports to the United States totaled 13.1 million francs, for a total of 30 million francs. <br />
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The lawyers then claimed that one half of the 30 million francs went toward the costs of production, leaving 15 million francs as profit. The 15 million franc balance was multiplied by 10 (10 years of lost revenues for the French colonists due to the war for liberation), which coincidentally totals 150 million francs, the value of exports in 1789. <br />
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To make matters worse for Haiti, the French anticipated and planned for Haiti to secure a loan to pay the first installment on the indemnity. Haiti was forced to borrow the 30 million francs from a French bank that then deducted the management fees from the face value of the loan and charged interest rates so exorbitant that after payment was completed, Haiti was still 6 million francs short. <br />
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The 150-million-franc indemnity represented France's annual budget and 10 years of revenue for Haiti. One study estimates the indemnity was 55 million more francs than was needed to restore the 793 sugar plantations, 3,117 coffee estates and 3,906 indigo, cotton and other crop plantations destroyed during the war for independence. <br />
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By contrast, when it became clear France would no longer be in a position to capitalize on further westward expansion in the Western hemisphere, they agreed to sell the Louisiana Territory, an area 74 times the surface area of Haiti, to the U.S. for just 60 million francs, less than half the Haitian indemnity. <br />
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Even though France later lowered the indemnity payment to 90 million francs, the cycle of forcing Haiti to borrow from French banks to make the payments chained the Black nation to perpetual poverty. Haiti did not finish paying her indemnity debt until 1947! <br />
<br />
According to the Haitian government's reparations booklet, the immediate consequence of the debt payment on the Haitian population was greater misery. The first thing President Boyer did to help pay the debt was to increase from 12 to 16 percent all tariffs on imports to offset the French discount. <br />
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The next step Boyer took was to declare the indemnity to be a national debt to be paid by all the citizens of Haiti. Then he immediately brought into being the Rural Code. <br />
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By Haitian First Lady Mildred Aristide's account in her book, "Child Domestic Service in Haiti and its Historical Underpinnings," the Rural Code laid the basis for the legal apartheid between rural and urban society in Haiti. With the Rural Code, the economically dominant class of merchants, government officials and military officers who lived in the cities legally established themselves as Haiti's ruling class. <br />
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Under the Rural Code agricultural workers were chained to the land and allowed little or no opportunity to move from place to place. Socializing was made illegal after midnight, and the Haitian farmer who did not own property was obligated to sign a three-, six- or nine-year labor contract with a large property owner. The code also banned small-scale commerce, so that agricultural workers would produce crops strictly for export. <br />
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The Haitian Rural Code was all embracing, governing the lives not only of farmers but of children as well. <br />
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The Rural Code was specifically designed to regulate rural life in order to more efficiently produce export crops with which to pay the indemnity. <br />
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The taxes levied on production were also used predominantly to pay the indemnity and not to build schools nor to provide other social services to the generators of this great wealth, the peasants. <br />
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Leading Haitian activists in the U.S. claim that between 1804 and 1990, when President Aristide was first elected, a grand total of 32 high schools were built in Haiti, all within urban settings. Since then, more than 200 have been built, they say, most in the countryside. <br />
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To this day, the discrimination between rural and urban areas takes the form of color discrimination by light-skinned Blacks toward darker-skinned Blacks, and it remains intense. <br />
<br />
St. Hubert and the national bank compute the exact amount Haiti is demanding from France as $21,685,135,571.48, at 5 percent annual interest. <br />
<br />
"France is getting off easy," St. Hubert told a U.S. newspaper. If Haiti charged 7.5 percent interest on the money, "France would owe $4 trillion today and much more tomorrow. <br />
<br />
"The French can debate whether they want to pay as long as they like," he said, " but at 5 percent interest, it will cost them $34 per second." <br />
<br />
=================== <br />
(For more information, contact the Haiti Action Committee (510) 483-7481, write them at HAC, P.O. Box 2218, Berkeley, CA, 94702 or visit their website at the following address: www.haitiaction.org. J.Damu is the acting Western Regional Representative for N'COBRA-National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America. He can be contacted at jdamu@sbcglobal.net.) <br />
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<br />
© Copyright 2004 FCN Publishing, FinalCall.comUnknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-59649428108811746882010-08-23T04:23:00.000-07:002010-08-23T04:23:19.493-07:00Lift sanctions to help Haiti solve problems by Michelle Karshan (Chicago Tribune)<strong><span style="font-size: large;">ChicagoTribune</span></strong><br />
<br />
<strong><span style="font-size: large;">Lift sanctions to help Haiti solve problems</span></strong><br />
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<br />
<strong>VOICE OF THE PEOPLE (letter). February 05, 2004</strong><br />
<br />
<strong>By Michelle Karshan, Foreign press liaison, National Palace.</strong><br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Haiti </strong>— It is commendable that the Chicago Tribune saw fit to take a position on the current impasse in Haiti ("Elusive democracy in Haiti," Editorial, Jan. 24), and that your position appears to support democracy.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The notion, however, that it might be a "valid option" to pressure President Jean Bertrand Aristide to resign if there were a "suitable successor" is inconsistent with democratic principles and Haiti's 1987 Constitution.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The opposition has refused to participate in the formation of an electoral council, which would oversee new elections necessary for the functioning of a parliament. The terms have expired for a portion of the parliamentarians, leaving Parliament not shuttered, as you said, but unable to function without the required quorum.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Democracy has definitely taken hold in Haiti and has come far in its few years since the restoration of democracy with Aristide's return in 1994. Aristide laid down the brutal Haitian army and created Haiti's first civilian police force.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The opposition has the right to demonstrate, when in compliance with requirements for a permit; journalists openly make commentaries against the government; and the country has already gone through several rounds of democratic elections.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Aristide has called upon the Haitian government to reinforce measures that would further guarantee the liberty of people to demonstrate. Haiti's police force was recently praised by both the U.S. ambassador and the Organization of American States for its conduct in providing security to those demonstrating in opposition to the government.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Aristide still enjoys enormous popularity among the Haitian people and throughout the world. It is under Aristide that Haiti met all the requirements to become a full member of the Caribbean Community (Caricom) and it is committed to helping Haiti strengthen its democracy. Haiti is successfully collaborating with numerous countries and international organizations in the areas of education, commerce, trade, medical care, etc.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Aristide has consistently invited the opposition to sit down together and participate in the oversight of elections. The anti-Aristide camp, which represents a small minority in Haiti, refuses to participate in any elections because they know they cannot gain power through a participatory and democratic process.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Immediately following the recent Caricom meeting in Haiti, in which the Caricom leaders who are helping mediate the crisis were seeking a peaceful and constitutional resolution between all parties, the opposition announced their intention to continue to paralyze the country in an effort to overthrow Haiti's president.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Your editorial fails to mention the vast number of violent acts committed by the opposition, including lynchings, assassinations, terrorizing schoolchildren, forcing schools and hospitals to close, and more.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Only through the lifting of economic sanctions will Haiti be able to efficiently address serious problems plaguing the nation, such as drug trans-shipping, poverty, expanding access to potable water, education and health care.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: right;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small;">From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</span></strong></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-25967244988791800672010-08-23T03:56:00.000-07:002010-08-23T03:57:58.533-07:00Fanmi Lavalas Government Plan (White Book) for 2001-2006<span style="font-size: large;"><strong>Fanmi Lavalas Government Plan: The Major Axis</strong></span> <br />
<br />
Translation released February 11, 2001<br />
<br />
<strong>THE MAJOR AXIS</strong><br />
<br />
<strong>First Axis: INFRASTRUCTURE AND COMMUNICATIONS</strong><br />
<br />
Organization Fanmi Lavalas has retained the communal section, the smallest territorial unit, as the basis for its actions. Thus, in the framework of extension of the nation road network it has opted to disenclave and interconnect the 565 communal sections. All initiatives in the sector of infrastructures shall be guided by the concern to facilitate access to basic social services (education, health) and economic trade (agriculture and industrial production, tourism, crafts, commerce).<br />
<br />
Organization Fanmi Lavalas deems it fundamental to establish a certain number of conditions to guarantee the sustainability of the interventions to be undertaken. The most important are:<br />
<br />
a) the participation of local leaders and communities in the beneficiary regions;<br />
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b) partnerships between the State and private investment groups for the provision of services (production, commercialization and management);<br />
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c) the presence of small and midsize construction firms to encash human resources in each department;<br />
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d) the encashment of national savings and foreign capital.<br />
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On this last point, the Organization intends to first identify the national sources of funding, in particular Public Treasury funds and use them as efficiently as necessary to reach its objectives.<br />
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The Organization will actively seek private partners (big investors, small and mid-sized businesses, individuals or potential shareholders) interested in investing in services such as electricity, potable water, construction of industrial complexes and tourist resorts... It will pursue negotiations with the bilateral and multilateral agencies that are willing to continue their support of this sector and will actively seek out new alliances.<br />
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The Organization's concerns do not stop at rehabilitating existing infrastructures and constructing new ones. It also intends to develop the country's capacity for maintenance to avoid having to constantly start over and prevent countless losses of investments. It's aim is to meet an enormous challenge: Building and Maintenance for sustained development.<br />
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Under "Infrastructure" Fanmi Lavalas includes the following sub-sectors:<br />
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Roads and construction works<br />
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Ports and airports<br />
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Transportation and Traffic<br />
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Housing<br />
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Public Buildings<br />
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Energy<br />
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Potable Water<br />
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Drainage and Sanitation<br />
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<strong>Objective 2004</strong><br />
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<strong>Second Axis: NATIONAL PRODUCTION</strong><br />
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The reactivation of national production is necessary to provide a solid and stable basis for the economy. Only national production can provide the bulk of durable employment needed to build the society of peace envisioned by Fanmi Lavalas and guarantee the State's income. <br />
<a name='more'></a><br />
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Agriculture, fishing and aquaculture, industry, crafts and tourism are the main components of this sector.<br />
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<strong>AGRICULTURE</strong><br />
The objective of the agricultural policy developed by the Organization targets in particular: the increase of producer income, the improvement of food security, the reduction of imports of staple goods and the increase of hard currency income through the development of export crafts. The areas of intervention prioritized by this policy should dynamize production in the sub-sector of staple crafts, export crafts and cattle breeding, by intervening simultaneously on the intensification and expansion of the space cultivated. Moreover, in order to reach these objectives, the Organization deems that the State agencies and instruments in charge of implementing the agricultural development program must be redefined and dynamized.<br />
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The major axis of intervention to be retained involves water management, the pursuit of agricultural reform, valorizing farming as a profession, direct support to production, support to product marketing, the development of new areas of export, the reinforcement of the research-training-development axis and support to the agricultural world.<br />
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<strong>FISHING AN AQUACULTURE</strong><br />
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Given the vital role they are meant to play in the area of food security, the income of producers and the global economic welfare of the country's population, the Organization will give special attention to the management and rational exploitation of fisheries as well as to the responsible development of aquaculture within the framework of this program.<br />
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<strong>COMMERCE</strong><br />
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The commercial policy of Fanmi Lavalas will be inserted in the global framework of the country's economic recovery and the significant reduction of underemployment and unemployment.<br />
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The country's comparative advantages must come into play in the resources directed towards profitable economic activities. At the same time, the relationship between economic agents and the State must be improved by significantly simplifying administrative procedures, and fighting against the arbitrary and corruption in the giving and controlling of privileges.<br />
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In the area of commerce, five (5) major actions are envisaged, they are:<br />
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-the restructuring of assistance to the distribution networks;<br />
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-the implementation of a strategy for the substitution of import product;<br />
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-the penetration of new markets to increase the export of Haitian products<br />
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-the liberation of markets from all forms of corruption;<br />
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-the fight against the high cost of living.<br />
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<strong>INDUSTRY</strong><br />
<br />
According to entrepreneurs working in the sector, Haiti now has the extraordinary potential of becoming "the dragon of the Americas." Haiti must use all means available to become in the short term, a place of convergence not only for North-American and European investors but also for our Caribbean neighbors and most certainly for investors from Southeast Asia.<br />
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The new formula of the US CBI Act, which focuses on the textile industry allows Haiti to capitalize in the short and long terms. It must be immediately taken advantage of to spearhead Haitian industry and exports. <br />
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Indeed, the ability to cut their fabrics in Haiti will encourage North American companies to relocate in the country.<br />
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<strong>In the area of industry, Fanmi Lavalas will achieve the following:</strong><br />
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-the upgrading of local industry;<br />
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-the implementation of free zones;<br />
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<strong>The upgrading of local industry will be achieved by:</strong><br />
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i) supporting the development of industries with strong local added value;<br />
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ii) promotion of competition;<br />
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iii) providing investment security and protection;<br />
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<strong>The implementation of free zones:</strong><br />
<br />
Fanmi Lavalas will favor the creation of free zones throughout the country. <br />
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These free zones will be established according to the land management plan so as to constitute poles of economic and especially social development. An investment code will be elaborated to fix taxes for the industrial concerns involved in the human development process grafted on the following: housing, electricity, potable water, education, health, specialized professional training according to the needs. These free zones should be models of partnerships between the private and public sectors, and beneficial for labor.<br />
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<strong>CRAFTS</strong><br />
<br />
Fanmi Lavalas intends to put in place an aggressive program for the promotion of crafts since this is an area where the country has invaluable comparative advantages in the region. This involves a systematic search for outlets for the sector's products. These activities will be closely associated with those undertaken for tourist items through:<br />
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- the country's diplomatic and consular representations;<br />
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- participation in international trade fairs'<br />
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- organizing local and regional trade fairs.<br />
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<strong>TOURISM</strong><br />
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In order to make this sector of activity sustainable and dynamic, Fanmi Lavalas will base its tourist policy on five (5) specific axis:<br />
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a) setting up a normalized environment favorable to investments in the tourist industry;<br />
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b) finding partners-investors;<br />
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c) showcasing the country's heritage;<br />
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d) developing accommodation infrastructures;<br />
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e) improving know-how in matters of tourist management.<br />
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<strong>MINES</strong><br />
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To date, little is known about the country's mineral resources whose systemic mining could give a vigorous impulse to the national development process.<br />
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Simultaneously with the industrial mining of the major lodes that have already been found, the Organization favors the integration of crafts from small mines and the derivatives of traditional washed-gold items that have existed since the discovery of Haiti. This will allow to put in place operational mechanisms to liberate the sector and facilitate its real development. To do so, the Organization will call upon experts in the field to provide training and technical support to the craftsmen.<br />
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<strong>ENVIRONMENT</strong><br />
<br />
Based on a document entitled "Plan d'Action pour L'Environment" (Plan of Action for the Environment) published in May in 1999 by the Ministry of Environment, the Organization will pursue its reflection to arrive at:<br />
<br />
a) a truly decentralized approach wherein the local powers must play an essential role;<br />
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b) the development of a set of legal instruments unambiguously setting the respective roles of the Central State, its various sectors and local authorities in managing the environment;<br />
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c) the establishment of sources of income from the exploitation of natural resources to provide local authorities with significant and stable means of action in this specific area;<br />
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d) coordination, in coming and outgoing control and assessment of the actions of a multitude of non-governmental actors who often have access to major financial resources acquired in the name of the sector.<br />
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<strong>Third Axis: EDUCATION</strong><br />
<br />
The Organization's education policy stresses the optimal development of young Haitian's intelligence, their ability to access the knowledge and skills of the modern world, and reorganize these to the dimension of their talents so that they may fully participate in the (re)construction of their country... <br />
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This involves a total revalorization of the Haitian's multi-learnedness.<br />
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This revalorization requires:<br />
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a) universal access to fundamental schools for children between the ages of 6 and 12, to bring up the net rate of schooled children from 67 to more than 90% between now and the year 2004;<br />
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b) developing in young people the ability to create freedom of enterprise, a taste for production and the furthest pursuit of the basic training acquired in fundamental school, in a technical, professional, scientific or artistic field;<br />
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c) the participation of all in raising the educational level of the country's disadvantaged populations and fostering a culture of peace and tolerance.<br />
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Fanmi Lavalas will orient the actions of the education sector from the National Plan for Education and Training, a reference document developed by the Ministry of National Education...<br />
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The Organization will take care to define a specific framework of partnership with the private education sector which currently supplies 89% of the demand. <br />
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This partnership will give privilege to those operators who wish to actively participate in the improvement of the quality of education in Haiti.<br />
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<strong>Priority actions</strong>...take into account school age children and specifically target: school infrastructures, universal schooling, implementation of the new secondary cycle, curricula development, health-nutrition and the beginning of the school year.<br />
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Professional training is one of the means by which Fanmi Lavalas plans on reaching its objective of increased productivity...This involves endowing the country with a significant number of skilled laborers, and middle management personnel to allow businesspeople to seek, both at the regional and world levels, operations contracts with strong added value for the production of high quality goods and services.<br />
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The Fanmi Lavalas objective is to facilitate the Haitian student in accessing a good grade of higher eduction, comparable to that of the region's postgraduate institutions...It will also stimulate public and private institutions to modernize, to improve teacher profile, to develop partnerships with other universities in the region to engage in educational activities or joint programs.<br />
<br />
<strong>LITERACY</strong><br />
<br />
The Organization's policy aims at allowing unschooled citizens, especially in the 15 to 45 age group, to actively participate in constructing the new Haitian society, generally guaranteeing to all the full exercise of their constitutional rights, and to provide underprivileged citizens with sustained technical assistance leading to their own development. Thus, such a policy will lead a literate person to: a) learn the skills he/she needs to actively participate in his/her community's social and economic development, and, b) to play his role as a responsible citizen with maximum clairvoyance, aware of the task to be performed to bring the country out its underdevelopment.<br />
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Along those same lines, the objectives of Fanmi Lavalas is to lower the illiteracy rate currently at 55%, down to 35% in 2004 and to 20% between now and 2006. This effort will be coupled with the knowledge and skills learned by the learners. By creating original partnerships between the State and socio-professional groups such as: grassroots groups, socio-professional organizations, territorial assemblies, schools and universities, human and financial resources will be mobilized to reach the desired objective.<br />
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<strong>Fourth axis: HEALTH</strong><br />
<br />
As health is an essential condition to well-being, Organization Fanmi Lavalas wishes to provide it to the population. For this reason, health is a priority sector of its social program. Its policy on this issue is above all based on preventing the causes of physical and mental illness in general and of diseases in particular. The organization firmly believes that the population's health is first conditional upon:<br />
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- a healthy, balanced and sufficient diet;<br />
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- decent housing in a healthy and pleasant environment;<br />
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- adequate practice of the elementary rules of hygiene both in private and in public;<br />
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- responsible civic behavior resulting from adequate knowledge of the main causes of most common diseases, notably those that are said to be infectious and transmissible;<br />
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The first two conditions will be met on the one hand by a decent level of income which can only be provided by access to employment for the great majority of the population, and on the other, by a sound management of the environment, of drainage and sanitation infrastructures, as well as solid and liquid waste and potable water.<br />
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The last two can only be achieved through a process of formal and informal education. Therefore, the sectors of economic and social activities as a whole must contribute to create the essential conditions for maintaining the population's health.<br />
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In this view, the Organization will convene and network all of the agents of a geographic area: the complementary and synergy of their actions, their skills and resources will have a multiplying effect on the results and impact of their interventions.<br />
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In this perspective of optimal coverage of the country at large, it is imperative to rationalize the health card by ensuring the distribution of health care centers, an adequate definition of their vocation and their progressive endowment with the appropriate resources. The new health system, with its structural organization and the rational use of its resources, will allow the State to translate into concrete action along with its national and international partners, its determination to promote quality health care and make it available to the population, especially the most vulnerable groups such as women and children. <br />
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<strong>Fifth Axis: JUSTICE AND PUBLIC SECURITY</strong><br />
<br />
According to Fanmi Lavalas, the struggle for a country of laws requires massive education of the population in matters of justice and in-depth reorganization of the justice system, the central pillar of public safety.<br />
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The organization's policy revolves around the following three (3) major axis:<br />
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- the democratization of justice<br />
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- the protection of human rights<br />
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- the reinforcement of institutional governance<br />
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<strong>The democratization of justice</strong>...implies a profound modification of the relationship to law, the reversal of the tendency to disaffect the population towards the legal institution, respect for the decision of the judiciary and arbitration bodies, and the non circumvention of the rule as pertains to the application of the law or arbitration.<br />
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The Organization intends to bring the country to a state of healthy, equitable justice, accessible to all, administered by a legal system that fulfills the major prerequisites of the modern world. <br />
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The Organization's policy in this area consists of a reform movement both on the level of law and that of the organization of justice so as to modernize all at once the legal and the judiciary, adjusting them to the international standards subscribed to by the country to fight against impunity in order to restore trust in justice to those justiciable and to reinforce the State in the area of social regulation.<br />
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The Organization intends to approach the human rights issue in a very wide manner, far beyond the strict dimension of law enforcement in order to ensure the safety of the population as a whole.<br />
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The Organization's policy in matters of public safety is closely linked to the professionalization of the national police, the organization of a community police system, the removal of impunity, the fight against serious crime.<br />
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The reinforcement of Institutional Governance must be observed by both the Ministry and the Judiciary system. This reinforcement comprises three aspects: internal management, decentralization/decongestion of the judiciary administration and human resource.<br />
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<div style="text-align: right;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small;">From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</span></strong></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-63112572780640348422010-08-22T16:35:00.000-07:002010-08-23T03:59:56.200-07:00Fanmi Lavalas Govt Plan: The Program's Foundations (for 2001-2006)English translation released February 11, 2001<br />
<br />
<strong>The Program's Foundations</strong> <br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>The economic and social program of Organization Fanmi Lavalas for the five-year term 2001-2006</strong>, is recorded in the global policy defined in Investir dans l'Humain and takes into account the recent assessment of the socio-political and economic situation. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">OBJECTIVES <br />
Thus, in the context of this program, the Organization is pursuing the following specific objectives: a) to promote economic growth and more participation in development in order to improve the average per capita income of US $300 per year and to make it possible to double it over the next decade; b) to reinforce the private sector, promoters and social movements that are trying to revitalize the social and economic fabric and induce them to invest in the creation of a number of economic activities that would be development hubs for job creation; c) to dynamize the peaceful struggle of the disadvantaged minorities who are ceaselessly requesting: justice, transparance, and participation; </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE MAJOR AXIS <br />
In order to reach these objectives, the Organization has selected five major courses of action which are: a) The execution of infrastructure works in the very short term, covering and opening up the 565 existing communal sections in order to allow the population's effective participation in the country's economic and social development. This supposes a long term, stable and viable organization of the following sectors: Energy, transportation (roads, airports, seaports, transportation services...), telecommunications (urban, regional and international telephone service...); b) The pursuit of efforts to revive the national production for the five years to come giving priority to growth in the areas of: agriculture, exports, import substitution industries, and crafts. Decisive action will be undertaken in order to promote micro finances and the various types of cooperatives and make them the levers of such growth; c) The pursuit and implementation of the National Education Plan, with three very specific objectives to be reached by 2004, they are: a functional fundamental school in each communal section, universal schooling and a significant reduction of the adult illiteracy rate; d) National health coverage through the expansion of the health center network and reinforcement of primary health care. The objective here is to have a functional body in each communal section by 2004, with effective involvement of the population in the decision-making process; e) The reorganization of the judicial system in the framework of the fight against impunity, the concept of reparation, as well as the extension of law enforcement services to all social categories, especially those living in rural areas. The development of these major axis with the participation of all Haitian citizens, as well as Haiti's friends shall be mostly primarily based on the valorization and management of all of the country's resources. This will also send out a positive signal for taking the road to decentralization. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE APPROACH SELECTED <br />
The Organization has opted for an approach based above all on the human capital and the long term pay off of economic actions and will rely on a stable and lasting partnership between the representatives of the Central State, the local assemblies concerned and all of the economic and social groups interested and involved in the development process. It will also work at reinforcing a state under the rule of law, a strategy oriented and regulatory state, that will guarantee the adoption and application of "open and lasting policies." <br />
<a name='more'></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE PRIVATE SECTOR'S ROLE <br />
The Organization has reserved a prime role for the private sector in the development of the above mentioned major courses of action. The term "private sector" includes large, midsize and small commercial and industrial concerns, including cooperatives and all lucrative activities of the informal sector that require develop initiatives of which some are already underway and others are to be undertaken to include the young and marginalized social groups. For this purpose, Organization Fanmi Lavalas has retained two additional courses of action at the level of the development of the productive sectors: a) To incite the formal private sector to invest more of its own resources for creating a large number of businesses in order to generate massive employment; b) To provide direct support to the informal private sector through public investment programs aimed at their structuring and reinforcement so as to promote small and medium sized businesses. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">COLLECTIVE WELFARE <br />
All of the Organization's efforts will result in an economic environment favorable to the development of income producing activities, the modernizing of the state machinery, and the implementation of a production revival policy, by integrating the instruments as a whole, notably the mobilization of resources from regulated and organized savings and credit funds, as well as foreign assistance, or within the framework of an integrated master scheme targeting collective welfare. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE GLOBAL STRATEGIES <br />
Organization Fanmi Lavalas' Plan of Action for the five year term 2001-2006 is part of the global policy defined in its policy guide and takes into account the recent assessment of the socio-political and economic situation. The plan's strategy is to engage in actions that will immediately impact the population's concerns in the short term as well as structural reform measures whose results will be seen and/or quantified in the mid and long terms. For this purpose, the plan of action the Organization intends to apply focuses on: a) The pursuit of budget consolidation efforts in reinforcing the encashment capacities of internal savings, notably through the development of micro-finance, private capital and external funds. b) The improvement of the business environment aimed at a lasting development of private enterprise and partnerships. This will be achieved with targeted groups, private economic and social agents, such as farmers, cooperatives, labor unions, etc. c) The reinforcement of the State's ability to ensure the security of lives and property; d) The organization and management of basic utilities and means of communication; e) The effective decentralization of national investments, both public and private, as well as that of decision-making and management agencies. f) The implementation of social safety nets beginning with the most disadvantaged and vulnerable age groups within the population; g) The reduction of the physical environment's deterioration. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY <br />
The first two years will be especially marked by a national effort towards funding, political stability, credible institutions, the reinforcement of the state's authority, a drastic reduction of crime and acts of infringement on private property, and help restore trust at the level of the various economic agents, thus creating the necessary conditions for investment. </div><br />
Continued...<br />
<div style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><strong>From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</strong></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-40574825645090590332010-08-17T06:59:00.000-07:002011-01-18T11:30:09.079-08:00Coup d'etat attack on Haiti's National Palace, December 17, 2001From: <a href="mailto:MKarshan@aol.com">MKarshan@aol.com</a><br />
<br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><strong>Details on the attempted coup d'etat attack on Haiti's National Palace on December 17, 2001</strong></span><br />
<br />
COMPILATION OF PUBLIC INFORMATION THAT WAS RELEASED THROUGH NATIONAL <br />
TELEVISION, THE POLICE SPOKESPERSON, AGENCE HAITIENNE PRESSE, ASSOCIATED <br />
PRESS & HAITI PRESS NETWORK<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">On December 17, 2001 at 2 am, using the element of surprise, three (3) pickup trucks carrying approximately 30 commandos approached the entryway known as Westgate of the National Palace (which is directly across from ministry offices) and launched a grenade into the entryway before storming the gate and invading the National Palace grounds through the right hand side. The iron gate was damaged from the impact. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The National Palace security personnel were forced to retreat for cover in face of the heavy weapons used by the commandos including an M2 with M50 caliber weapon, which is a ground to air weapon, which was prominently bolted onto one of the vehicles on a bi-pod. Through the M2 was draped a large quantity of M50 caliber linked missile-like projectile ammunition, each which are approximately 5 inches long. An M2 with M50 caliber bullets can reach a radius of 25 kilometers. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Haiti's security units do not have weapons of this magnitude and the overwhelming majority of Haiti’s security forces have never seen weapons of this type or witnessed its sound or impact. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Some of the National Palace security took cover and worked together to plan their strategy for an offensive. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">When the vehicles entered the National Palace grounds they started shooting at the National Palace building causing large holes of approximately 2 inches deep in the side wall of the National Palace. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The commandos were wearing green camouflage military clothes identical to the uniforms worn by the Leopard unit of the former Haitian military. There was very heavy shooting and exchange of fire between the commandos and the palace security personnel.<br />
<a name='more'></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Some of the commandos shot at the glass doors that enter into the reception area of the National Palace and shot at the official framed photograph of President Aristide, which hung on the wall behind the reception desk. They tore off the door on the wooden cabinet where visitors' cards of identification are stored. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">They tried to break into some of the rooms on the ground floor, which in the past under the former military may have been used as weapons' depots. The rooms on the ground floor are covered with metal doors, which are closed with large padlocks. Two administrative offices were entered after the commandos shot off the padlocks and shot up the glass doors leading into the rooms. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The commandos did attempt to open another room they believed to house ammunition but several padlocks protected it. Although they shot a hole through one of the padlocks, they were not successful in opening the door.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The commandos went up to the second and third floors of the National Palace, shooting at an office used by a US-based private security firm contracted by the National Palace to provide security to the President and the First Lady, taking certain materials from their security office. The commandos entered the President's office stealing his laptop and briefcase. The briefcase was later retrieved on the Palace grounds after the commandos were forced out.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The commandos took a walkie-talkie from a National Palace security personnel and delivered their message, which was heard by the more than one hundred security personnel who are on that frequency. The commandos stated that this was a mission of the former army and they claimed to be aligned with Guy Phillip and said that he was the head of their mission. They stated that the president was no longer the president. They also advised that anyone coming into the palace that didn't come to support them would be shot.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A strategy was put into place by several of Haiti's security units of the National Palace and Haiti's National Police to enter and dislodge the invaders.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Unite de Securite du Palais National (USGPN), the Presidential Security Unit (PSU), (who are equivalent to the US secret service, the National Palace Combat Anti-Terrorism Team (CAT) and Haiti's National Police SWAT team started an assault upon the assailants' positions by entering through the rear via the Caserne Dessalines barracks which is used for administrative, training and housing of the USGPN. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">When they reached the fence that divides the Caserne and the National Palace grounds, they were able to shoot one of the commandos who was in the rear of the ground floor of the National Palace building. He was struck in the head and died. This man had papers in his pocket identifying him as a Dominican national by the name of Perez. It was later learned that he is Chavre Milot, a former Haitian military. He also had $1,000 US dollars in his pocket and no other currency, as well as papers with names on them, which are now being pursued in the investigation into this event. Mandates (warrants) for arrests for questioning and for searching premises have been issued and acted on as a result.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Intense fire was registered in a heavy exchange of gunfire and finally the commandos capitulated by mounting their vehicles and leaving the National Palace grounds by the same west gate they had entered. They shot their way out and were shooting into the streets as they took off and drove toward Avenue John Brown.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Meanwhile at approximately 5:30 am a helicopter on contract to Haiti's National Police lifted off when day breaks from the domestic airfield, which is, located near the departmental police headquarters and near Haiti's international airport.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">6AM: The vehicles which shot their way out of the National Palace sped through the streets making their way up Avenue John Brown (Lalue) and turned left on Nason and took airport road en route to 15 Octobre, the street that President Aristide has his personal residence on. This was in fact where the President and his family were sleeping that night.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Learning of the attack, thousands of people took to the streets throughout the country and thousands arrive at the National Palace to show their solidarity with President Aristide and wait for his arrival at the National </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Palace that day. The people chanted that they would not accept a coup d'tat and that they wanted their democratic vote respected.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The helicopter was in pursuit of the vehicles and notified the ground forces of the route the commandos were taking.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Security units set up a roadblock at the intersection before the President's home and waited for the commandos to arrive. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">An exchange of fire between the presidential security units and the commandos ensued. One of the security was hit by gunfire (he is on of the 3 that have since been transported to Cuba for medical intervention).</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The commandos continued driving toward the road to Malpasse, which is the border between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Local authorities were contacted to advise the population to make roadblocks to stop the commando's vehicles from continuing to the border. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The helicopter landed in Fond Paraisien, which is en route to the border and advised the population that they should make a roadblock with whatever they could find. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">When the commandos reached Fond Paraisien they found it blocked and turned back towards Gaunthier. Near the cemetery of Gauthier, they made a turn towards Thomazeau. The helicopter was still following them.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The helicopter advises the ground forces who had telephoned ahead to the local authorities in the towns along that road asking that the people built barricades with rocks, sticks, or whatever they could find. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The commandos shot at the crowds along the way and shot at people at the roadblocks that they came across en route wounding pedestrians and killing one at one of the barricades.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Over Thomazeau the helicopter experienced fuel pressure problems and alerted the ground forces that they had to head back to the airfield to check the helicopter. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Back at the airfield the fuel pressure was checked and the helicopter departed again trying to locate the commandos. The helicopter located ground forces. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Because of the heavy exchange of fire with local police en route, the white pickup became disabled and the commandos had to abandon it. Some mounted the blue pickup truck while others scattered fleeing to the wooded area of Thomazeau. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The police retrieved the white pickup truck.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The other vehicle reached Morne Cabrit, which has an extremely rugged road that brings one to the Central Plateau where one can reach the border from. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The helicopter paralyzed the blue pickup.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Realizing that they could not move, the commandos jumped out of their vehicle and ran to a cavern cut out of the mountain (for the purpose of excavating sand to be mixed with cement). </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">They stripped off their army camouflage uniforms and left them and their weapons in the cavern. They exited the cavern in civilian clothes although one of them had no shirt on at all. They scattered up the mountain.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The helicopter alerted ground forces to meet the copter up the road and then advised them of where the vehicle was and to search the cavern. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">When the SWAT team searched the cavern they found approximately 15 weapons including Galil , M16s Far (Belgium made), and a grenade launcher M79. Four of the Galils were later identified by their serial numbers to be weapons stolen from the Police Academy during the July 28, 2001 attack there in which police were also killed. Also found in the cavern were the camouflage military uniforms, vests saturated with perspiration, pants saturated with perspiration. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Police made contact with local authorities in various localities asking them to stay alert and advise of strangers in their area. Local authorities in Lascahobas and Mirebalais decided to mobilize and remain vigilant to work with the police. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the town of Terre Rouje residents spotted and detained a man they believed to be one of the commandos because he had gunshot wounds. The population handed him over to the police who later transported him to the capital for questioning. This man has been identified as Pierre Richardson, a former Haitian military, who had $800 US dollars in his pocket and a letter issued by the police in Santo Domingo advising that he could operate freely in the Dominican Republic. Images of commando Richardson in custody while in Terre Rouje were shown on National Television. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A few days later residents in Thomazeau later apprehended four men believed to be commandos because of their bullet wounds and killed them.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The disabled vehicle, a Toyota double cabin pickup, which had the M2, mounted on it was seized by the police.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A police investigation, which traced the license plates of the vehicle, revealed that it had been rented from a rental company in Port-au-Prince eight days prior. Through the investigation the police ascertained the name </div><div style="text-align: justify;">of the man who rented the vehicle and determined that he had not reported the vehicle stolen. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The causalities reported by the Police spokesperson as of December 19th were:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Commandos:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">5 dead commandos (1 shot by security units when they retook the National Palace, 4 killed by population in Thomazeau)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Police:</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">2 dead</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">6 injured (3 were transported to Cuba for medical attention that is not available in Haiti)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Civilians: </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">1 dead</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">3 injured</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The police are continuing their investigation into who the authors, actors and accomplices are.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Guy Phillipe, a former Haitian military and more recently the former police chief of Cap Haitien in Haiti, who fled Haiti last year after allegations of involvement in plotting a coup d'etat, was arrested in Ecuador and held for deportation to Panama, the country from which he entered Ecuador.</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jean-Jacques Nau, a former military and more recently a former police chief of the Delmas 33 stationhouse, who along with Guy Phillipe fled Haiti after it was alleged that he was involved in plotting a coup d'etat, is being held under house arrest in Ecuador.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Former colonel Guy Francois, who commanded the Caserne Dessalines barracks under Prosper Avril, was arrested by the Haitian police. Francois was driving a car with Dominican plates and had been implicated in the attack by commando Richardson, who is also in custody. Francois was presented on National Television. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Commando Richardson made declarations to the press that he had participated in prepatory meetings in Santo Domingo to plan the attack and that there were 25 armed men in the attack. He said, "It was a coup d'etat. The plan was to enter the National Palace." Commando Richardson stated that he had been engaged in planning to oust President Aristide with former Haitian military including Guy Phillipe and Gilbert Dragon, a former Haitian military who also more recently was the police chief of Croix-des-Bouquets, before fleeing with Phillippe and Nau amidst allegations of plotting a coup d'etat. Commando Richardson said that Guy Phillippe had said that Francois would have a backup team at the palace during the attack, but none arrived. Commando Richardson admitted that he had also participated in the July 28th attacks on the Police </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Academy and two police stations. -end-</div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-84561832296929587362010-08-17T06:02:00.000-07:002010-08-17T16:01:54.029-07:00Press fail to identify key players in Gonaives opposition violence<strong><span style="font-size: large;">Press fail to identify key players in Gonaives opposition violence nor do they examine timing of terrorist acts</span></strong><br />
<br />
<br />
Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison - National Palace, Haiti<br />
Tel: (011509) 228-2058 - Fax: (011509) 228-2171 - Email: mkarshan@aol.com<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">Haiti's Secretary of State for Communications, Mario Dupuy, responded to this week's extreme violence by the opposition in Gonaives explaining that these are "terrorist acts undertaken by the armed wing of the opposition." Indeed, immediately after the attack on the police station in Gonaives (which includes destroying the national prison there, aiding the escape of prisoners, burning of government buildings, homes and stores, murdering police and civilians, setting people on fire) the leaders of the opposition in Port-au-Prince openly praised the terrorist acts in Gonaives. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Journalist Scott Wilson, in his Washington Post article, "Armed Attacks Increase Pressure on Haitian Leader, Groups Extend Reach Into Provincial Areas" published November 18, 2003 (see link at end of this section) described the armed branch of the opposition as follows: "Many of the participants are either former members of Haiti's military, which was dissolved after the 1994 U.S. invasion that restored Aristide to power following a military coup, or they belonged to a paramilitary force that opposed the president's return. The groups have increased the tempo of their attacks in recent months, and are showing signs of coordinating military efforts around the country."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In that same November 2003 article, Prime Minister Yvon Neptune stated, "Our information is that there are links between some elements of these armed groups with the opposition on every level -- financial as well as the political goal of ousting President Aristide," Neptune said. "We're trying to show that this is all a pretext for not wanting to participate in elections."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In reporting on this week's atrocities in Gonaives, the foreign press, so far, has continued to portray the opposition in Gonaives as former Aristide supporters when in fact the former military, macoutes and FRAPH figure prominently amongst them! Today's Associated Press article by Michael Norton does admit the presence of former military in Gonaives but distances their involvement from the high command of the terrorists as follows: "Former soldiers of Haiti's disbanded army carrying heavy weapons patrolled the streets in support of the uprising in Gonaives."<br />
<a name='more'></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Charles Arthur, of Haiti Support Group London, and author of several books on Haiti, challenged the perpetuation of this myth when he pointed out that mainstream media are filing stories from/on the opposition violence in Gonaives without a mention of Jean Tatoune!</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Arthur explains, "At the end of January 2004, Tatoune [Jean Pierre aka Tatoune] was named by the anti-Aristide Artibonite Resistance Front as the new 'departmental police director'. The Front, which unites followers of Tatoune and followers of the murdered Raboteau leader, Amiot Metayer, also named Amiot's brother, Butteur, as 'police inspector.' Bertrand Wilfort, aka Ti Will, as 'departmental police commissioner', and Winter Etienne as 'mayor' of Gonaives. Tatoune has led many of the violent attacks on police in Gonaives since he escaped from prison in August 2002 (along with Amiot Metayer and some 150 other inmates of the city prison). Tatoune is a former FRAPH leader who was sentenced to forced labour for life in 2000 for his participation in the 1994 Raboteau massacre."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Tim Collie, in his February 6, 2004 Sun-Sentinel article, "Opposition movements in Haiti threaten country's stability," did point out the various players although his article fell short of connecting the dots. Collie revealed that, "Éanother group known as the Motherless Army, composed of former army members, has carried out assassinations of government officials and sacked villages." Collie continues more specifically about the Gonaives situation, "Thursday's uprising was led by a group formally known as the Cannibal Army, now renamed the Artibonite Resistance Front. Based in the shanty town of Raboteau, they are a hardcore mix of former Aristide supporters and elements of the FRAPH, a paramilitary squad that menaced Haiti during the early 1990s, after Aristide was overthrown during his first administration."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In response to the murderous violence and anarchy in Gonaives, Haiti's President of the Senate, Yvon Feuillé, asked is this what the opposition meant by a "social contract." He was referring to the "social contract" of the "civil society" group led by US citizen and Haiti factory owner, Andy Apaid. Robert Fatton, a University of Virginia professor and political analyst on Haiti, in Collie's article, wonders, "If what is happening in Gonaives is the opposition's vision for Haiti, then the future is pretty grim indeed." Fatton goes on to conclude that, "These are not democrats by any means - they don't have a political philosophy other than power and money."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This week's attack on the Gonaives police station came on the heals of two days of talks with the Caricom delegation in Haiti, who met with both sides in an effort to move the process forward towards elections. Also, last week President Aristide committed to continue the government's disarmament campaign (last year the government of Haiti made it clear that this would be applied across the board, regardless of class, political affiliation, or place of residence). Further, the Gonaives attacks follow several positive editorials appearing in leading newspapers in the United States, all supporting Haiti's constitutional government and it's democratic electoral process. The opposition also became outraged this week by President Aristide's interview on CNN in which he stated for the world that he would complete his presidential mandate of five years and discussed the democratic principle of "one man, one vote."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Ira Kurzban, Haiti's General Counsel, views the Gonaives attack as a diversionary tactic. When Caricom finished up their two days of talks in Haiti, it was well established that the opposition had told Caricom that they would not negotiate while Aristide is still in office. Kurzban explains, "I believe that the incident in Gonaives was timed purposely to downplay CARICOM and the opposition's non-response. For those of us who have been involved in this for many years we are aware of the timing of such events to distract the "public" from the real story."</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">For more on the opposition in Gonaives, see November 18, 2003 Washington Post, Armed Attacks Increase Pressure on Haitian Leader, Groups Extend Reach Into Provincial Areas</div><br />
- 30 -<br />
<div style="text-align: right;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small;">From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</span></strong></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-64621908178460435152010-08-17T05:11:00.000-07:002010-08-17T16:00:54.528-07:00President Aristide wants to bring FRAPH to justice<strong>REVISED February 17, 2004</strong><br />
<br />
Press Release<br />
<br />
Contact: Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison<br />
National Palace, Haiti<br />
Tel: (011509) 228-2058<br />
Fax: (011509) 228-2171<br />
<br />
<strong><span style="font-size: large;">President Aristide says Haiti's justice system might use FRAPH documents in pursuit of justice in investigation of FRAPH leader, Louis-Jodel Chamblain</span></strong><br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Port-au-Prince</strong> - During a press conference held at Haiti's National Palace today regarding the humanitarian crisis caused by recent acts of terrorism, President Aristide revealed that the Government of Haiti may need to unveil the famous FRAPH documents. These documents and photos may be helpful in the pursuit of justice with regard to a criminal investigation underway involving FRAPH commander Louis-Jodel Chamblain, who emerged Friday as one of the terrorists in Gonaives. The terrorists are currently holding the approximately 150,000 residents of Gonaives hostage. Their violence and blocking of roads has cut off food, fuel and medical supplies to the Northern portion of the country. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Today, in discussing the violence in Gonaives and other towns, Aristide said Haiti's justice system may need to refer to the FRAPH documents in the pursuit of justice. He added that the names contained in the FRAPH documents are of persons who were actively involved in FRAPH, as well as those who supported it. President Aristide suggested that more than likely many of those same names engaged in the terrorist activities from that period are also implicated in the recent destablization and violence being waged today.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The criminal investigation the President referred to involves the Cite Soleil fire, an arson committed during the coup d'etat period, in which Chamblain is implicated. After trials were held on two other matters, Chamblain was earlier convicted in the Raboteau Massacre, as well as the assassination of businessman and Aristide supporter, Antoine Izmery. Both of these crimes occurred during the three-year coup period. Chamblain is also named in the Cite Soleil arson.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">FRAPH, (Revolutionary Front for Haitian Advancement and Progress), a paramilitary organization formed during the second half of the coup d'etat (1991-1994) has been reported on and denounced by all international human rights groups for their use of torture, assassination and rape against Aristide supporters during that time.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">FRAPH was founded by Emmanuel (Toto) Constant, who later revealed during a 60 Minutes interview that he met regularly with the CIA station chief in Haiti at the time, advising him in advance of all upcoming FRAPH activities and also stated that he received regular funds from the station chief. <br />
<a name='more'></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">An article by Blum and Nairn (see below) reveals that Constant stated that after Aristide was ousted from Haiti during the 1991 coup d'etat a US Defense Intelligence Agency officer, who he named, urged him to set up a front as a balance to the Aristide movement. This led to the creation of FRAPH in August 1993. Chamblain was the second in command of FRAPH.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The FRAPH documents contain papers and photos seized by the US military during their intervention in 1994 which led to the restoration of democracy and the return of President Aristide a short time thereafter. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">FRAPH maintained offices throughout Haiti and they wallpapered their offices with "trophy photos" of their tortured and maimed victims. Human rights organizations vary in their reporting of the numbers of persons killed during the repression of the coup d'etat with the range being somewhere between 3,000 to 5,000 victims, a large percentage being attributed to the FRAPH paramilitary thugs.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Immediately following the US intervention in Haiti in 1994 the US Embassy spokesperson held a press conference in the central park of Port-au-Prince and attempted to introduce the head of FRAPH, "Toto" Constant, to the press as a legitimate leader of a legitimate opposition group. The staged event was quickly derailed by Haitians who had just been liberated after three years of brutal repression at the hands of Haiti's military and FRAPH. This attempt to portray FRAPH as a legitimate political organization was immediately denounced and rejected by human rights groups around the world, as well as by the press corps who were all too familiar with the mutilated corpses resulting from FRAPH's repressive maneuvers. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">A highly publicized victim of FRAPH's handiwork was that of the machete attack against Alerte Belance, who was dragged from her home in the middle of the night because her husband had been an electoral worker in the 1990 elections which brought President Aristide to power on February 7, 1991. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Belance was attacked by men who identified themselves as FRAPH and left for dead on the national highway. After being assisted by a stunned motorist, she underwent surgery to sew her severed face back together, which had been sliced in half, and her arm had to be removed. She miraculously survived and underwent years of physical rehabilitation. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Despite requests by the Government of Haiti that Toto Constant be returned to Haiti to face the justice system, he remains at liberty in Queens, New York and was granted a permit to work. The US government allowed Constant to enter the United States in the mid 90s, although he was a known terrorist. The US ordered his deportation but never moved to deport him and he remains untouched by the Justice Department's human rights violator program, which has been aggressively deporting other such characters.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Government of Haiti formally requested that the US return the FRAPH documents, arguing that they would be critical to the work of Haiti's Truth Commission at the time and in the investigation of criminal acts committed during the coup period. An international mobilization of individuals, human rights organizations and haiti-interest groups, aggressively campaigned as well for the return of the documents, however the US refused to hand over the documents.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In one of President Clinton's last presidential acts, the FRAPH documents were handed over to the Government of Haiti in early 2000, with the condition that their use be limited to legitimate criminal investigations, as opposed to retribution. They have never been used in the investigation and prosecution of crimes to date.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><strong>Please refer to these excellent articles on FRAPH:</strong><br />
<br />
David Grann:<br />
<br />
Alan Nairn:<br />
<br />
The Nation in Haiti Under Cloak - Feb 26, 1996<br />
<br />
The Atlantic Monthly - Giving the Devil his Due - June 2001<br />
<br />
The Nation "Our Man in FRAPH: Behind Haiti's Paramilitaries", - Oct 24, 1994 referring to Emannuel Constant, the head of FRAPH p. 460<br />
<br />
Zmagazine An Interview With Allan Nairn June 1995 - Nairn broke the story of the United States government's role in establishing and funding the brutal Haitian paramilitary death squad, FRAPH<br />
<br />
FRAPH genesis Nov 8, 2003 - (#17173) As described by investigate journalist Alan Nairn and by William Blum "FRAPH, actually a front for the army,. . .spread ..."<br />
<br />
William Blum:<br />
Killing Hope "Who will rid me of this turbulent preist?" Haiti 1986-1984 - excerpts from the book.Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-80416766679886425092010-08-16T19:46:00.000-07:002010-08-17T16:02:37.447-07:00(On eve of 2004 coup d'etat) 4-step plan,Key Points and Historical Footnote<strong>Haiti: Press Release, 4-step plan,Key Points and Historical Footnote</strong><br />
Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison<br />
National Palace, Haiti <br />
(011509) 228-2058 <br />
Email: mkarshan [at] aol.com <br />
<br />
Press Release <br />
<br />
<strong>Dated: February 28, 2004</strong> <br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: large;"><strong>President Jean-Bertrand Aristide Continues Calls for Peace, </strong><strong>non-violence, and Reinforcement of Democracy in Address to Nation</strong></span> </div><br />
<div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>(President Aristide’s Proposed Four Step Process Out of Current Crisis & Key Points on Recent Events with Historical Footnote are Attached at End of Press Release Below)</strong> </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Addressing the Nation. President Jean-Bertrand Aristide delivered a statement to his nation overnight during a two-hour show on Haiti’s National Television which included a call-in segment. The show began at 11:30 last night and finished at 1:30 this morning. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Called on Terrorists to Leave the Country and Stop Killing People. While the US Embassy limited its call to the armed terrorists to abandon plans to invade Port-au-Prince, President Aristide called on the terrorists to leave Haiti and to stop killing its citizens declaring that, “When terrorists kill, we all suffer.” President Aristide also denounced the opposition for refusing to agree to the proposed peace plan put forth by the international community which would permit power sharing and steps to move forward to police reform and legislative and local elections. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Called on all to Defend their Democracy Through Non-Violent Action.</strong> “Rich, poor, public sector, private sector, Lavalas, opposition, come together to defend democracy because democracy is vital to the future of the nation, President Aristide stated. He also called upon his supporters who have been actively defending democracy and their vote, to not use violence in the process. “On the streets, there is vigilance, and vigilance without violence is necessary to protect democracy. The people of Haiti have demonstrated solidarity in this non-violent vigilance. “Non-violent vigilance is good.” </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Active Non-Violence – Setting Ground Rules.</strong> President Aristide spoke firmly in clarifying acceptable methods for vigilance. Setting ground rules for the defense of the constitutional government, President Aristide said, “What is not good is criminality, stealing cars, looting. No one has the right to steal cars or loot or to violate the law. People should not take the law into their own hands.” He added, "We condemn that! When it's not good we have to say so.” <br />
<a name='more'></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">President Aristide called on the population to lift the barricades each morning that they have placed on roads to prevent the terrorists from advancing on the capital, explaining that people have the right to go to work, and emergency services need to be able to function such as ambulances that need to take the sick or injured to hospitals. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Referring to the terrorists who have been attacking police stations and killing police and Aristide supporters alike, President Aristide said, "Our duty as a people is to be on guard so they do not catch us by surprise. He added, "We can put up barricades at night to ensure they don't attack us." “Use the barricades only to block the path of those who want to kill democracy!” he exclaimed. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Move the Barricades in the Morning So All Can Go to Work and School.</strong> Further, he added, "If you think barricades are necessary, yes, you can do that. But when the sun appears and the people have to go to work, the barricades must be moved so cars and people can go get on with their lives and people can go to work,” adding that, "I will also be in my office on Monday." The President called on Haiti’s thousands of civil servants to return to work Monday and for schools to reopen Monday as well. Last week schools were closed for Carnival week vacation. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Be Vigilant But Also Respect the Role of the Police in Their Work. </strong>President Aristide called on all citizens to, “Guard against infiltrators who are trying to disrupt this patriotic vigilance.” “Assist the police but let them do their job,” the President stated. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Condemning All Violence.</strong> President Aristide made it clear that he opposes all violence when he said, “We continue to condemn all violence and all lawlessness wherever it comes from.” </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>President Recommits to Serve Out His Five Year Presidential Mandate. </strong>President Aristide discounted all rumors purposely being spread by the opposition that he has resigned. “There is no question of my departure. I will leave the National Palace on February 7, 2006. This is the way we show respect for constitutional order. This is the way we build our democracy.” The President explained that, “These rumors are meant to provoke and create a difficult situation,” and he asked the public to, “Distinguish between the truth and lies.” </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Once again, President Aristide explained that Haiti has undergone 32 coups d’etat in its history and that the only way to move from a culture of violence from coups is through democratic elections which will “strengthen our democratic experience” as we move from “one elected president to another, not from one coup d’etat to another one.” Earlier this week President Aristide stated at his “life is linked to eight million people” and that it was his responsibility as the elected President to stay in office.” </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Called for Calm and Return to Normalcy</strong> </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Calling on all citizens to return to their jobs, and normalcy, President Aristide urged everyone to, “Be calm, use your energy to mobilize and protect our democracy.” </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">President Aristide also relayed to the nation that the Organization of African Union had issued a statement supporting Haiti. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">- 30 - </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
President Aristide has outlined four steps out of current crisis in the following order: </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Immediate unequivocal statements of support for the democratic constitutional government </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Immediate deployment of stabilizing force of a minimum of 200 persons </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Immediate formation of a new consensus government with all necessary security </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Commence police reform measures as already agreed to* so security situation can be secured </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">* Police reforms measures were spelled out in OAS Resolution 822 and its </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Terms of Reference and again in agreement President Aristide made with CARICOM in Jamaica a few days before the terrorists attacked Gonaives in early February and again last week when an international delegation came to Haiti. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Key Points on Recent Events in Haiti</strong> </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">January 12, 2004 Special Summit of the Americas, US agreed to support CARICOM initiative to help resolve crisis in Haiti. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">January 21-22, 2004 Prime Minister Perry Christie of the Bahamas invited the opposition to participate in a one-day meeting; opposition initially refused, denounced CARICOM as too supportive of Aristide, finally agreed to attend but insisted that they would only go to articulate their grievances against Aristide in furtherance of their demand for his departure. The opposition continued to refuse to enter into any “negotiations.” </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">January 25, 2004, Prime Minister Perry Christie of the Bahamas came to Haiti to report to Aristide on initial meeting; he issued a positive statement on Government’s willingness to engage in process with CARICOM and launched an invitation to Aristide and Fanmi Lavalas to a future meeting. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">January 30, 2004, Andy Apaid, the leader of the platform of opposition parties is invited by Prime Minister of Jamaica for talks in Jamaica; Apaid did not go, and denied that he was even invited. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Apaid is a US citizen born of Haitian parents who has emerged as the leader of the opposition. He is a wealthy businessman who owns several factories in Haiti. After the Sept. 1991 coup, Apaid’s father told the press, he would “strangle Aristide” if he ever returned to the country. Apaid, Jr.’s labor practices have been denounced by progressive labor organizations. Apaid is under investigation for his possession of a Haitian passport since he never renounced his American citizenship and Haitian law does not allow for dual citizenship. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">January 31, 2004, Aristide accompanied by several ministers and members of Fanmi Lavalas attended a one-day meeting in Kingston. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The CARICOM Prior Plan of Action was developed and agreed to by all sides: </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Government of Haiti to release list of detained persons presented by opposition (all 24 persons appearing on a first list were released, including 2 individuals arrested at an opposition demonstration with gallons of gasoline that they admitted they were going to use to commit arson on a government building) </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Opposition and Government of Haiti to agree to “rules” on insuring peaceful demonstrations (opposition subsequently failed to enter into fruitful dialogue on this point) </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Government of Haiti to investigate certain incidents of alleged violence by police (investigation underway) </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Disarmament program (continuation of this process already begun) </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The formation of a 3-person commission (Government of Haiti, opposition and international community) to pick a “7-person council of wise persons” </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This council will designate candidates for a neutral and independent Prime Minister </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">President Aristide to pick one candidate as his Prime Minister, and together a new government will be named, new police chief, government reform, and the new government, with support from the international community will move toward creating proper security conditions for the formation of the electoral council and the organization of legislative and local elections </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The opposition categorically rejected the CARICOM plan, maintaining its “option zero” position that Aristide must leave. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">February 5, 2004, armed thugs in Gonaives stormed the police headquarters, burned it down, released all prisoners. Haitian police did not retaliate when thugs pulled children and passersby using them as “human shields.” The thugs were led by Jean Tatoune, a member of the paramilitary organization FRAPH, is an escaped convict who was convicted after trial in the coup-era Raboteau Massacre February 7, 2004, in Port-au-Prince at an event marking the third anniversary of Aristide’s term in office and the inauguration of the 53rd public park built by his administration, 1 million people organized a peaceful demonstration in support of the government. </div><div style="text-align: justify;">On or about February 14, 2004, the Haitian press reported the sighting of Jodel Chamblain and Guy Philippe, heavily armed wearing army fatigue uniforms, in Gonaives. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jodel Chamblain, number 2, right-hand man of Emmanuel Constant, head of FRAPH, paramilitary organization responsible during the 1991-1994 coup for the deaths of the majority of more than 5,000 persons, and the torture of thousands of others. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Constant admitted to the US press that he was on the CIA payroll. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">After President Aristide’s return in October 1994, US forces were told to treat FRAPH as a “legitimate” opposition to Lavalas, and in a US Embassy staged press conference, Constant denounced violence before he was whisked out of Haiti. He currently lives in New York having refused all requests for extradition. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Chamblain ran to the Dominican Republic after President Aristide’s return. He was convicted in abstentia for the murder of Guy Malary, the man appointed by President Aristide as Minister of Justice in 1993 after the Governors Island Agreement which called for a “new consensus government in Haiti.” Under this US-brokered agreement, Aristide was supposed to return to Haiti on September 30, 1993, but was prevented by a rapid rise in violence in Haiti. Malary was gunned down in broad daylight on October 13, 1993. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Chamblain was also convicted in abstentia for the murder of Antoine Izmery who was dragged out of a memorial service at the Sacred Heart church and gunned down on September 11, 1993 in front of United Nations human rights observers. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These two murders were part of a wave of violence meant to block the implementation of the Governors’ Island Agreement for the return of President Aristide and constitutional order at the time. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Guy Philippe is a convicted drug dealer. He led an assault on the National Palace in December 2001. He fled the country and was arrested on drug charges in Panama, sent to the Dominican Republic, was imprisoned there before being sighted in Haiti. In 2003, he and other armed bandits killed over 26 members of the Government of Haiti and/or Lavalas supporters in the border area. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">From February 5 to date the armed thugs are known to have killed at least 70 persons. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">However we have seen the steady refusal to denounce this violence by Andre Apaid and members of the opposition in Port- au- Prince and their public characterization of this as a “legitimate insurrection”, threatening that these assaults would spread throughout the country and would not stop until President Aristide leaves office, precisely what they have been advocating for 3 years. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">From Gonaives, the thugs communicated with the opposition in Port-au-Prince, that they “had done their part.” February 21, 2004, the Foreign Minister of the Bahamas headed a delegation to Haiti which included the US Assistant Secretary of State Roger Noriega, representatives of Canada, the European Union (EU) and the Organization of American States (OAS). The stated purpose of this mission was to “reach a peaceful </div><div style="text-align: justify;">settlement to the crisis in Haiti.” </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">At a morning meeting with the delegation President Aristide reaffirmed his agreement with the CARICOM plan. The delegation offered a variation to the CARICOM plan with a shortened time line. The restructuring of the Haitian government was demanded as a condition precedent to the start of any “police reform measures” or deployment of international police officers, which could assist in the responding to the growing violence. President Aristide, nonetheless, agreed to the plan, urging that the emergency security situation be addressed. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The delegation met with Andre Apaid and members of the opposition afterwards. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The opposition was given until the following Monday (February 23rd) 5:00 to agree to the plan. Secretary Powell is said to have spent 40 minutes on the telephone urging Apaid to accept the plan. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">February 21, 2004 in the late evening hours, the armed thugs attacked Cap Haitian. Many people were killed in the gun battle (up to 25.) </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Monday, February 23, 2004, the opposition requests an additional 24-hour delay to respond and offers a counter proposal which maintains their “option zero” position – that President Aristide must leave office. Sec. Powell is said to have had a second conversation with Apaid. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Tuesday, February 24, 2004, while France was publicly indicating its willingness to deploy peacekeeping troops in Haiti, it met with members of a delegation of opposition members who traveled to France. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Tuesday, February 24, 2004, the opposition formally rejected the plan presented on Saturday by the Noriega delegation. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Wednesday, February 25, 2004, the French foreign ministry issues a statement that there was no alternative but to establish a “national transitional government of unity” in Haiti and that Aristide must resign before the summer. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Thursday, February 26, 20004 the Security Council met at CARICOM”S urging to consider the immediate deployment of forces in Haiti. CARICOM maintained that its plan offered a peaceful and constitutional resolution of the crisis. The US, France and Canada took the position that there should be “forward movement” on negotiating the “shortening of Aristide’s term” first. They did not call for an immediate resignation, but one within 3 to 6 months, enough time to stabilize the situation. The press is reporting this as “political dialogue” or a “political negotiation,” when in fact it is a move to force President Aristide out of office – the opposition’s option zero. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Historical Footnote </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">On July 4, 1993, President Aristide, then in exile, agreed at New York’s Governor’s Island to a “negotiated resolution” to the then crisis in Haiti. Pursuant to the Governor’s Island Agreement, Aristide would return to </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Haiti on September 30, 1993. But prior to that he would name a new consensus government, which he did. Included in this new government was an honorable and brave lawyer named Guy Malary. Mr. Malary, a powerful commercial lawyer in Haiti, whose list of clients included the US Embassy, accepted the post of Minister of Justice. However adequate measures were not taken to secure and stabilize the security situation in Haiti. Violence escalated. The army and FRAPH were terrorizing the population. On September 11, 1993 a well known businessman and friend of President Aristide, Antoine Izmery, was killed in full sight of the United Nations Human Rights Mission. On October 13, 1993 Guy Malary, the newly appointed Minister of Justice, was killed. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Jodel Chamblain stands convicted in absentia of these two murders. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Today there are responsible and patriotic Haitian citizens willing to participate in a new consensus government. But no one can be expected to come forward and participate in a consensus government in this climate – except of course Chamblain, Phillipe and the other killers. To do so would be to condemn innocent Haitians to the same fate of Guy Malary at the hands of his same killers. Haiti’s urgent security situation must be addressed immediately as the political solution is implemented. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">- 30 -</div><div style="text-align: right;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small;">From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</span></strong></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-47821787967804648552010-08-16T19:13:00.000-07:002010-08-17T16:03:16.561-07:00Haiti Raboteau Massacre Trial to BeginFrom: <a href="mailto:MKarshan@aol.com">MKarshan@aol.com</a><br />
Release Date: <strong>September 24, 2000</strong><br />
Contact: <strong>Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison</strong><br />
Telephone: (011509) 228-2058<br />
<br />
<strong>HAITI'S RABOTEAU MASSACRE TRIAL WILL TRY 22 DEFENDANTS IN DETENTION AND 36 IN ABSTENTIA INCLUDING FRAPH'S TOTO CONSTANT AND THE MILITARY HIGH COMMAND</strong> <br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">On September 29, 2000, the Haitian government will bring to trial its biggest human rights case, the Raboteau Massacre. There are 58 defendants in the se, ranging from low level soldiers and paramilitaires, up through the military and paramilitary leadership. The latter group includes the coup leaders Raoul Cedras, Michel Francois and Philippe Biamby, the military high command, and Emmanuel Constant, the head of the paramilitary organization FRAPH. Twenty-two defendants are in custody, the highest ranked Captain </div><div style="text-align: justify;">Cenafils Castera, the commander of the Gonaives military district.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The trial is expected to last about six weeks taking place in Gonaives approximately 3 hours north of Port-au-Prince. The case is based primarily on the eyewitness testimony. Forty-five people have filed formal complaints, and dozens more have come forward with first-hand reports. These witnesses will be buttressed by testimony from international experts in forensic anthropology, genetics, military organization, and human rights, as well as documents from the Haitian army archives. The prosecution did not have access to the "FRAPH/FADH Documents", 160,000 pages of materials seized by U.S. forces from military and paramilitary facilities in 1994. The U.S. government has refused to return the documents, despite repeated requests from the Haitian government, joined by members of the U.S. Congress, the United Nations, and human rights groups throughout the world.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><strong>Background:</strong> In the early hours of April 22, 1994, soldiers and paramilitaries raided Raboteau, a seaside neighborhood of Gonaives, attacking the area's resistant, but unarmed, population. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The attackers forcibly entered dozens of homes, beating and arresting those found within, including the elderly and small children. Many people were arrested and tortured, others were tortured or humiliated on site. Some were forced to lie in open sewers, or out in the hot sun for hours, some were forced to tear down a house with their bare hands. Those who fled to the sea, Raboteau's traditional refuge, were shot at, some were killed. <br />
<a name='more'></a></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Although though six murders are sufficiently documented to be part of the prosecution, it is likely that many more were killed. The military authorities prevented the victims' families from retrieving bodies from the sea or burying them, so some bodies may have floated away, while others were reportedly eaten by animals on the beach.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The Raboteau massacre took place during a particularly harsh period of Haiti's brutal 1991-94 military dictatorship. As the international community tightened sanctions against Haiti in the first half of 1994, the army responded with attacks on areas of non-violent resistance throughout the country. Gonaives, especially Raboteau, had always prided itself on refusing to accept the dictatorship, and in calling for the return of democratically elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. The Massacre was intended to terrorize the area's residents into abandonning their democratic hopes.</div><br />
For further information, please contact Ms. Karshan at <a href="mailto:mkarshan@aol.com">mkarshan@aol.com</a><br />
<br />
- 30 -<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: right;"><strong><span style="font-size: x-small;">From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</span></strong></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-89566568306283371592010-08-16T18:50:00.000-07:002010-08-17T16:04:19.756-07:00Concrete Steps to Combat Trafficking in Persons<b>Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison, National Palace, June 12, 2003</b><br />
<br />
<b><span style="font-size: large;">US Turns Blind Eye to Concrete Steps Made by Haiti to Combat Trafficking in Persons</span></b><br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">The release yesterday of the US State Department's Trafficking in Persons Report, placing Haiti in the category of least compliant countries, came as a complete shock to the Government of Haiti. Over the past two years Haiti's government has made significant progress to enforce the human rights and quality of life for its children, as well as passing legislation in May prohibiting trafficking in persons and banning the provision of the labor code which sanctioned child domestic labor. (See below for more details on efforts made by the Government of Haiti.)</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">The State Department defines a tier 3 rating as applying to those countries "whose governments do not fully comply with the minimum standards and are not making significant efforts to do so." Haiti's Minister of Education, Marie Carmel Paul Austin, explained that placing Haiti in this category "is unjustified and appears completely at odds with the criteria used to rate other listed countries in their efforts to combat trafficking." </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">An example of how the report does not consistently apply its own criteria and fails to take into consideration measures taken by the Haitian government, while praising and crediting identical efforts made by other nations, can be found in the area of education. Haiti's Universal Schooling program has increased access to schooling through construction of additional schools in rural and urban areas, subsidizing school uniforms and textbooks by 70%, expanding its hot lunch program, increasing its school bus program, and waging a nationwide literacy program, now in its second year. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">These measures to promote greater school enrollment in Haiti were not even cited in the report as preventive measures to combat child domestic service, whereas in the case of 17 other countries ranked tier 1 and tier 2 nations, raising school enrollment is cited as a significant preventive measure. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Many glaring contradictions are evident when comparing Haiti with other countries who were placed in less damning categories. The State Department report completely ignored the important provision of Haiti's anti-trafficking legislation that rescinds the provision of the Labor Code sanctioning child domestic service -- which has long been criticized by the human rights community. Oddly enough, 13 countries with no anti-trafficking legislation whatsoever are ranked tier 2 or tier 1, while Haiti is ranked tier 3.<br />
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</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Contrary to what was reported in the State Department's report, Haiti has made important strides to address the root cause of domestic servitude, took preventive measures such as the passage of critical legislation and is creating structures for implementation and enforcement of these changes. The State Department report faults Haiti for not "arresting or prosecuting traffickers" while there is no documentation of prosecution for 4 countries listed in the report which are ranked tier 2. Not mentioned in the report is Haiti's new special police unit that was recently trained and activated for the protection of children and the promotion of their rights. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">This turning of a blind eye to the numerous achievements made by the Government of Haiti begs the question as to whether the rating placed against Haiti is not just another attempt to denigrate the Haitian government. "Placing Haiti on this list is truly outrageous in light of President Aristide's unilateral and historic efforts to fight against the problem of restaveks and the Parliament's passage of new and extremely progressive law on these issues, " said Ira Kurzban, General Counsel to the Government of Haiti. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">While the State Department report itself cites Haiti's economic conditions as an obstacle to improving social conditions, Haiti remains under a US-led financial embargo. Recent press coverage has been increasingly sympathetic to Haiti's humanitarian crisis exacerbated by this two-year old embargo and there is an increased clamor in the US Congress, as well as in peace and religious circles, to lift the embargo on Haiti. Ironically, countries receiving yesterday's State Department tier 3 rating become subject to financial sanctions by the US and international financial institutions providing development assistance.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">In the absence of a logical explanation for the unjust rating of Haiti, Kurzban further added, "It is completely political, having nothing to do with the reality of what Haiti has done."</div><br />
<strong>Recent efforts by the Government of Haiti to Combat Trafficking in Persons includes</strong>:<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">Education: Universal Schooling program for increased access to school, subsidized school uniforms and textbooks (increasing to 70% Fall 2003), constructed schools in rural and urban areas, expanded school hot lunch program, expanded school bus program. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Anti-Trafficking Legislation/Prosecution: On May 15, 2003 Haiti's Parliament enacted anti-trafficking legislation and also repealed a provision of the Labor Code sanctioning child domestic service. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Police Training: Creation of a special 33 officer brigade to protect minors against all forms of abuse, including abuses related to child domestic service. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Border efforts include steps to increase specialized border patrols. A presidential commission is accessing and addressing border issues.</div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Birth Certificates/Travel Documents: This government recently renewed a previous commitment to register all birth certificates free of cost. </div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br />
</div><div style="text-align: justify;">Haiti has long required parental consent for any child traveling without a parent.</div>- 30 -<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: right;"><span style="font-size: x-small;"><strong>From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</strong></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-65051998693820987182007-10-06T13:50:00.000-07:002011-01-18T10:12:47.719-08:00What's Next for Haiti? by Michelle Karshan<div align="justify"><strong>What's Next for Haiti?</strong></div><div align="justify"><strong>Haiti Policy Analysts Weigh in Putting the Pieces Together</strong></div><div align="justify"><br />
<strong>by Michelle Karshan, published by the Haiti Action Committee</strong> </div><div align="justify"><br />
December 16, 2002 - Twelve years ago today, on December 16, 1990, Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected President by an overwhelming majority and inaugurated on February 7, 1991. Seven months later he was ousted in a violent coup d'etat carried out by the military and its sponsors. After three years of resistance by the Haitian people, in which 5,000 died, thousands were tortured and raped, and tens of thousands took to the high seas, the U.S. restored Aristide to Haiti through a military intervention, under international pressure. </div><div align="justify"><br />
Although his supporters wanted his term extended because of the three years that Aristide was forced to spend in exile, President Aristide finished his five-year term on February 7, 1996 and for the first time in Haiti's history a democratically elected President handed power over to the next democratically elected President. President Rene Preval served his entire five-year term without interruption, setting another precedent, and on February 7, 2001, after a landslide election, Aristide was once again inaugurated to the Presidency. </div><div align="justify"><br />
Tom F. Driver, a theology professor at New York's Union Theological Seminary, sums up the last couple of years in Haiti, "Since early in the year 2000, when it became apparent that Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the Lavalas Family Party would win elections by large majorities, those opposed to popular government in Haiti have been determined to use every means necessary to thwart it. When they could not prevent Aristide's return to the Presidency, they set about to make it impossible for him to govern effectively. When they could not achieve their ends at the polls, they tried to invalidate the elections. When compromise was offered, they rejected it out of hand. Because persuasion will not avail them, they have threatened violence. Their efforts are encouraged, if not engineered, by elements in the United States Government, which has cut off all loans in aid to the Government of Haiti. The administration in Haiti is by no means perfect, but that is not the issue. The issue is legitimacy, all of which lies on the side of the Government and none on the side of the concerted opposition that has been nothing but obstructionist since the year 2000." </div><div align="justify"><br />
In remarks made by Kerry Kennedy Cuomo at the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award ceremony a few weeks ago, she revealed that, "Six months ago, a high ranking Bush administration official commented to a member of our board, 'Only when the economic sanctions lead to Florida being flooded with boat people will this administration's policy change.' That statement has become a self-fulfilling prophecy. A few weeks ago, over 200 Haitians in a rickety, leaking boat washed up on Key Biscayne Boulevard." <br />
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Reacting to this tragedy, Professor Robert Maguire of Trinity College in Washington, D.C., and Dr. Robert Bach, a former commissioner at the INS charged with policy and planning from 1994-2000, issued a policy paper entitled Next Steps for U.S. Policy Toward Haiti. They called on the U.S. to change its strategy on Haiti to avert a humanitarian disaster warning that the, "U.S. policies are simply providing the fuel that accelerates its [Haiti's] failures and expands the consequences." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Unheeded, the conditions leading up to the recent turmoil in Haiti continued to decline while Aristide's government remained under an economic embargo. </div><div align="justify"><br />
Since mid-November Haiti has been present in the international press because of demonstrations, some peaceful and some violent. The formation of a provisional electoral council (CEP) was near completion after President Aristide met several times to get all sectors to submit the names of their representatives for a nine member electoral council so parliamentary and local elections scheduled for early 2003 could finally be held. Eight names were submitted, but the Convergence, a propped up coalition of opposition groups, have continued to refuse to submit a name although the government did respond to their concerns about creating a better climate of security by petitioning the OAS to provide technical support and security for the elections and intensifying disarmament efforts. </div><div align="justify"><br />
The Convergence, as described by journalist Michele Montas, the widow of the slain journalist Jean Dominique, in yesterday's Miami Herald article, “Is U.S. Policy Subverting Haiti? " is a patchwork of people and groups who have very little in common. There are people in Convergence who are from the far right and are former members of the Duvalier dictatorships, and you have people on the far left, former Marxists and communists.'' Montas told the Miami Herald that the Convergence is held together by their common hatred of Aristide. </div><div align="justify"><br />
"The Convergence's indefensible stonewalling regarding its participation in the CEP is but another example of its long practice of sabotaging every effort to seek a peaceful solution to Haiti's chronic political problems," said the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA), a Washington based policy group, in their recent press release. </div><div align="justify"><br />
Brian Concannon, Jr., a Boston human rights attorney working in Haiti, further explained that the government of Haiti had, "worked hard to fulfill all its obligations under the OAS resolution, including paying substantial reparations to opposition parties, allowing OAS oversight over elections, having seven senators resign outright, and the remaining parliamentarians agree to shorten their terms for anticipated elections. Aristide's concessions have been massive. The government has made almost desperate efforts to put the resolution of the current crisis in the hands where it belongs, the Haitian voters. It has repeatedly appointed people from the opposition to important ministries and other posts, risking alienating its base in the name of non-partisanship." </div><div align="justify"><br />
In early November the Convergence organized demonstrations throughout the country calling for the overthrow of President Aristide through violent means. This time, the Convergence brought in former Colonel Himmler Rebu of Haiti's now disbanded Army, known for his role in an attempted coup against General Avril some years ago. This solidified the Convergence's call for the return of the Army made by Gerard Gourgue in his "inaugural" speech when the Convergence installed him as their "provisional President" simultaneous to Aristide's inauguration on February 7, 2001. Previously, the Convergence had widely publicized former General Prosper Avril's support for their efforts, when he participated in one of their meetings. Avril himself actualized several coups over the years. </div><div align="justify"><br />
COHA pointed out the irony that a US sponsored "'Democratic Convergence, when called upon to participate in a new democratic process under OAS supervision, has so far refused to do so, instead pressing for a return to extra-constitutional solutions." </div><div align="justify"><br />
In a statement made on Radio Canada, which he later tried to deny, Assistant Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Ambassador Luigi Einaudi, explained the motive behind the Convergence's actions, saying, "These groups are afraid of elections, because if free and fair elections were to take place in the country, it is certain that the party in power would win." He further explained that every time an accord was about to be reached to solve the post-electoral crisis, the anti-Aristide forces created trouble. </div><div align="justify"><br />
Since their formation, the Convergence has been silent on how they would actually help Haiti. Some suggest that the opposition parties should criticize the Aristide administration and present their plans to gain support in upcoming elections. </div><div align="justify"><br />
Gary Pierre Pierre, editor of Haitian Times and former staff writer for The New York Times, wrote in his paper's editorial entitled, "Democracy Must Serve Out Term," that Aristide "has to remain in power until his term expires. That's the democratic way. Also part of the democratic process is exercising the freedom of speech and right to assembly. With protests, the government can learn of residents' concerns." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Pierre Labossiere, a Haitian activist with the Haiti Action Committee said, "It is outrageous that some are proposing a violent overthrow and organizing a campaign of violence to force the resignation of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, who is democratically elected by the people in accordance with the Haitian constitution." </div><div align="justify"><br />
On November 28th several prominent Haitian activists living in the U.S. released their Diaspora Declaration denouncing the calls of the Convergence and sending "a clear message to those who want to bring this country to a civil war by looking for the departure of a democratically elected resident," demanding that "the international community must fulfill their role without complicity." </div><div align="justify"><br />
The international press shocked all Haiti watchers with their biased reporting in which they omitted reporting on violent acts carried out by Convergence supporters, instead focusing only on violence alleged to have come from Aristide supporters. Further the press only acknowledged one peaceful demonstration of Aristide supporters, while thousands around the country were peacefully taking to the streets in support of the President. </div><div align="justify"><br />
COHA observed that these events were "being witnessed by a local and foreign press, including wire services, that frequently churns out more spin than objective reporting..." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Kevin Pina, a filmmaker and journalist covering Haiti for more than a decade, provided details on events never reported on by international press, "There was a massive outpouring of support in the streets of the capital for President Aristide and Lavalas on November 25, 2002. The largest number cited in AP and Reuters for a demonstration in front of Haiti's national palace on November 25, 2002, was 2,000 persons. Photos taken by independent journalists show that the crowd was in fact far greater then the numbers cited. The only photos filed by corporate news organizations on November 25th were of much smaller anti-Aristide demonstrations and NOT ONE PHOTO of the much larger pro-Lavalas demonstration was EVER published by them." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Concannon also stated that although not covered by the international press, "Every opposition demonstration has been more than matched in numbers by a pro-government demonstration." Concannon continued that, "The creation of an impression of chaos and ungovernability is a time-tested method of eroding the constituency for democracy and independence. President Aristide's support is not 'crumbling.' Although Haitians are as frustrated as anyone would be by their poverty, all signs that I see indicate that President Aristide would be elected by huge margins were there to be a fair election tomorrow." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Montas, states that Aristide should "finish his term" and says she believes he will, explaining, "that "a majority of the people are still with him." More importantly, she continued, ''I don't believe the solution is chaos, and that is what we would have if Aristide is forced to resign.'' </div><div align="justify"><br />
Ricot Dupuy, a journalist with the popular Radio Soleil show in New York opined, "When various international press organizations reduced the several thousand demonstrators at a massive pro-Aristide rally in Cap Haitien to "several hundred," what they did in effect was multiply by a factor of ten their own credibility deficit." </div><div align="justify"><br />
During this time period President Aristide visited Les Cayes in the South of Haiti to inaugurate several government and private sector projects where a supportive crowd of 100,000 greeted him. Again, the international press did not bother to accompany the local press corps to the South to cover the President's historic trip. </div><div align="justify"><br />
The international press also failed to include the voices of members of the business sector or civil society who support the government, although they can be heard on television or radio and are quoted in all of the Haitian newspapers. </div><div align="justify"><br />
President Aristide inaugurated several projects in the South during his visit including the construction of a bridge which cost the Haitian government US$1 million, a renovated airport, a new civil court building, newly constructed schools, the upgrading of the electricity system, and miles of paved roads inside the principle cities along the Southern coast, and literacy centers. These infrastructure projects were successful through collaborative efforts of the business sector and the government. </div><div align="justify"><br />
Pierre Leger, for example, a noted business leader, received the President during his visit to the South and summed up Haiti's current crisis saying, "The problem in Haiti is not political, it is economic. The private sector must develop some initiatives that will generate employment in order to help the State authorities fight extreme poverty." Mr. Leger went on to explain that misery and poverty are the main sources of violence and insecurity and he urged Haiti's elite class to do something to get closer to the poor. </div><div align="justify"><br />
Statements from the last few weeks from CARICOM, the OAS and the U.S. State Department support a democratic process through elections, starting with the formation of an electoral council. </div><div align="justify"><br />
The Heads of Government meeting of CARICOM held in Cuba last week issued a strong statement calling for the "immediate establishment of the Provisional Electoral Council" recognizing that, "elections are the only means to legitimate government in any democratic society," and warning that "only strict adherence to the democratic process will constitute a proper solution to the political problems in Haiti." CARICOM went as far as to "urge the political opposition to cooperate with the Government in the implementation of this [OAS] resolution as all parties must work together towards restoring normalcy in Haiti." </div><div align="justify"><br />
The U.S. State Department's Deputy Spokesperson, Philip T. Reeker, issued a statement calling for the formation of an electoral council and stated, "For their part, Convergence Democratique, other opposition parties, and civil society must play a constructive and responsible role in moving forward under Resolution 822, and in fostering an environment that promotes political reconciliation for all Haitians." </div><div align="justify"><br />
The U.S. led sanctions against Haiti continue to undermine Aristide's government's commitments for development, hitting education, access to water and healthcare the hardest. COHA pointed out that, "Many of the shortcomings of his administration would be mitigated if the island government received at least some of the $500 million pledged to it by the U.S. and other international donors." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Bypassing the Haitian government to fund non-profit programs only, as the U.S. and some other countries have been doing, is not sufficient, asserts Harvard doctor Paul Farmer, who runs a health center in Haiti's Central Plateau. This past year his clinic has been overrun by patients who are not able to find services at public health stations, and his model treatment program for poor persons with AIDS is challenged by the government's inability to provide water, no less clean water, to his patients. The road leading to his hospital is in need of repair, a job that can only be performed by government. In his revised The Uses of Haiti, released earlier this month by Common Courage Press, Farmer writes, "Conditions here on the ground are akin to the battlefield of an undeclared war on the poor." </div><div align="justify"><br />
The dramatic effects of the sanctions on Haiti's poor prompted Congresswoman Barbara Lee to submit House Congressional Resolution 382 several months ago, which has been signed onto by the entire Congressional Black Caucus as well as many other representatives, calling for an end to the U.S. aid embargo on Haiti. Similar resolutions have been passed by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), the organization of African, Caribbean and Pacific states (ACP), and dozens of human rights, religious, labor, and healthcare organizations in the U.S. </div><div align="justify"><br />
COHA put the U.S. sanctions against Haiti in a nutshell when it explained that, "The ostensible root cause of the longstanding economic sanctions against Haiti is the accusation that Haiti's May, 2000 senate elections, involving seven candidates in particular, were flawed. In a very real sense, however, Washington invented the electoral affair to justify what it had wanted to do ever since 1989 to isolate and then shackle Aristide. The motive behind the White House's current policy of economic sanctions against Haiti should not be seen as merely outrage over what it saw as fraudulent elections in 2000; only seven seats in the Senate were in dispute, and those senators have long since resigned at Aristide's behest, the reduction of aid had actually begun several years before Aristide assumed office. The real aim of this U.S. policy of interdiction has always been 'since he was first elected in 1990' to discredit Aristide and his political associates." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Referring to OAS Resolution 822 which was unanimously passed by all 34 member countries, Ambassador Einaudi explained, "Beginning with this resolution, it was made clear to the IDB and the World Bank that they could release funds for Haiti," and on another date after critiquing all of Haiti's political actors, he also added that, "At the same time, we in the international community must move effectively to provide economic assistance." </div><div align="justify"><br />
The Heads of Governments CARICOM statement also reiterated, "their call to the international financial institutions to relaunch effectively their financial cooperation with Haiti as called for in the OAS Resolution 822." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Loune Viaud, a Haitian woman who is this year's Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Laureate for her work providing health care in rural Haiti, pointed out during her acceptance speech this past November that, "many countries who do not even try to emerge as a democracy, as we struggle to do, are not punished by such embargos." Last week Viaud put the embargo in perspective, explaining that, "The embargo on the loans allocated for health, education, roads and clean water from the IDB has persisted, despite the fact that seven legislators whose seats were contested have stepped down and the Government of Haiti has agreed to push forward legislative elections for the spring of 2003. These policies demonstrate that the US government's underlying motive of the embargo is not to improve the human rights situation in Haiti, but rather to achieve their implied objective of changing the current democratically elected government." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Todd Howland, Director of the Center for Human Rights at the Robert F. Kennedy Memorial Center recently stated that, "Money for Haiti has been in the pipeline since January 2001. None of this money has been disbursed, yet the IDB indicates in its public information that they are doing wonderful work in this country. In fact people are dying in Haiti."</div><div align="justify"><br />
Finally, St. Lucia's Foreign Affairs Minister, Julien Hunt, said, "It is the international donor community that should explain why they have still not followed through on this recommendation." And the Prime Minister of St. Kitts and Nevis, Denzel Douglas, demanded that, "the international monetary community release the financial aid to the Haitian government and put an end to the suffering of the people while at the same time reinforcing democracy in the country." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Bach and Maguire advise in their policy paper that, "Aid should be released, but carefully structured and closely monitored. Assistance should resume - and be sustained - to Haitian public institutions, including the National Police, so they can better address Haiti's humanitarian, economic and security needs." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Bach and Maguire continue that, "The Administration's policy toward Haiti rests somewhere between a straightforward effort to replace President Aristide at all costs as opposed to his replacement with fewer costs. It's position stands in contrast to the views of former Administrations, the Congressional Black Caucus, and others who argue for a strategy of engagement. The Administration's policy squeezes the Haitian people, fuels potential confrontation within the country, and restrains prospects for economic growth and stability." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Bach and Maguire laid out steps for change stating that, "The Administration and Congress must find some common ground to begin to engage in Haiti constructively. The current stalemate in U.S. policy between an aggressive anti-Aristide policy and a reform policy resembles guerilla warfare, with private groups, mid-level agencies and self-proclaimed leaders dominating the public debate. President Aristide is recognized by the OAS and its members as Haiti's legitimate leader, and realistic alternatives simply are not present." </div><div align="justify"><br />
In the absence of a policy change, Bach and Maguire suggest that, "The international community needs to take leadership on Haiti's policy back from a stalemated U.S. position. The case for international involvement rests upon recognition that a failing Haitian state is already creating a humanitarian crisis, that its weakness is allowing drug cartels and other syndicates a strong foothold close to the United States, and that the policies of the United States themselves are causing greater problems." </div><div align="justify"><br />
COHA warns that if "the Convergence is allowed to play the spoilsport, Haiti will continue to be unable to improve its prospects of overcoming its crippling financial and political crisis," pointing out that although the Convergence "while lacking any kind of constitutional basis, has nonetheless managed to exercise a virtual veto power over the Haitian political process." </div><div align="justify"><br />
Kennedy Cuomo concluded in her speech that, "The best way to achieve our goal of assuring a strong civil society and a transparent electoral process is to work hand in hand with the government of Haiti. Indeed, we should engage as fully as possible with the government and be a handmaiden to democratic reform. The government of Haiti has done almost everything in its power to comply with conditions for the resumption of aid. It faces a hostile internal opposition which is supported by the [U.S.] administration's policies and is determined to extend the crisis. And, we have continuously raised the bar for ending the strangulation." </div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-767087497652041636.post-67781608160188296512007-09-29T08:18:00.001-07:002010-08-17T16:06:56.955-07:00Where Did the Money Go? "AID" Received by Haiti: October 94 - October 1995<div align="left"><strong><span style="color: #663300; font-family: lucida grande; font-size: 85%;"></span></strong></div><div align="left"><strong><span style="color: #663300; font-family: Courier New; font-size: 85%;"></span></strong></div><div align="left"><strong><span style="color: #663300; font-family: Courier New; font-size: 85%;"></span></strong></div><div align="left"><strong><span style="color: #663300; font-family: Courier New; font-size: 85%;"></span></strong></div><div align="left"></div><div align="left"><strong><span style="color: #663300; font-size: 85%;"></span></strong></div><div align="left"><strong><span style="color: #663300; font-size: 85%;"></span></strong></div><div align="center"><strong><span style="color: #663300; font-family: lucida grande; font-size: 130%;">Where Did the Money Go?</span></strong></div><strong><span style="color: #663300; font-family: lucida grande;"></span></strong><br />
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Prepared by the </div><div align="center"><br />
Washington Office on Haiti<br />
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“AID” Received by Haiti: October 94 – October 1995</div><div align="justify"><br />
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A record amount of money from foreign sources was both committed and disbursed to Haiti since the return of President Aristide in October 1994. During the first year alone (October 1994-October 1995), $515.6 million of foreign aid poured into Haiti.<br />
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Many people wonder how such a large amount of money, equivalent to more than 30% of Haiti’s GDP, could have so little noticeable impact on people’s day-to-day lives and economic situation.<br />
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What follows is an attempt to answer this question by looking at international donors’ and lenders’ commitments, focusing on money actually disbursed over the first year of democratic rule. However, it should be noted that the money disbursed over this period is only part of a much larger package totaling U.S. $2.1 billion.<br />
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Of this sum, $1.12 billion are loans, and the rest are in the form of grants. The loans come primarily from three international financial institutions: Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), the IDA (a branch of the World Bank), and the International Monetary Fund. Most of this money is conditional on reaching agreements on structural adjustment.<br />
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It should be kept in mind that much of the foreign “aid” that flows into Haiti goes right back out, without leaving much impact on production of goods and services within Haiti. Most of it is used for imports – the trade deficit reached a record U.S. $176 million for the first six months of 1995 alone. Some goes for consultancies to foreign nationals, foreign financial assets or accounts owned by wealthy Haitian nationals. A U.S. AID official in Haiti recently told visitors that 79 cents of every U.S.AID dollar worldwide is actually spent in the U.S.<br />
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The major categories of “aid” to Haiti have been:<br />
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<strong>Balance of Payments Support</strong><br />
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This is by far the biggest item, at $217.9 million or 42% of the disbursements so far. $111.8 million of this went to arrears clearance, that is overdue payment on foreign debt service, so would have no noticeable impact.<br />
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The remaining $106.1 million comes from the IDA ($40 million Emergency Economic Recovery Credit), the IDB ($40.5 million), and IMF ($25.6 million standby credit). These funds, which were loans, are not listed as targeted for specific uses. Presumably, they were used to finance the Haitian government’s budget as well as the increase in international reserves held by the Central Bank.<br />
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This last figure is quite large and significant. In the first three months of 1995 alone, the Central Bank’s net international reserves increased from $81 million to $121.1 million. This $40.1 million increase in reserves is $20.1 million more than was required by the IMF. This is particularly important since these funds cannot be used for anything while they are held in reserves, and the IMF minimum is already considered excessive by many.<br />
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<strong>Humanitarian Assistance: $88.2 million</strong><br />
The biggest portion of this is from the U.S. ($60.5 million) and is listed in the World Bank report simply as “Humanitarian Assistance.” However, according to the U.S.AID official who supplied these numbers to the World Bank, this consists of food aid and medical projects – probably about $40 million in food aid, and the rest medical. U.S.AID claims to have rehabilitated two maternity hospitals and five health centers and trained seven biomedical technicians.<br />
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There is an additional $9 million of food aid from Canada and Argentina. Another $3.9 million from UNICEF went to health, children at risk, and water projects.<br />
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<strong>Governance: $68 million</strong><br />
The biggest portion is from the U.S. at $42.2 million. Some of this money is used to fund legitimate functions of government, whereas other parts (e.g. the “Democracy Enhancement” allocation of $5.2 million) are not. More than half of the U.S. funding ($23.4 million) is for police training. The remaining categories are election support ($10.8 million); administration of justice ($7.5 million); and local governance ($8.37 million) – all of which contain some legitimate and some very illegitimate activities. France also has a justice support grant of $10.3 million in this section.<br />
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<strong>Water and Urban Infrastructure</strong><br />
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$22.2 million disbursed. Most of this ($20.7 million) is from the IDA and is earmarked for a variety of mainly infrastructural projects the disbursed money has funded. The U.S. has contributed nothing here.<br />
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Although these funds have the potential to help change people’s lives significantly in the vital area of water resources, not much has yet been accomplished because most of the funds are back loaded into future years.<br />
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For example, the IDA has committed a $21.7 million loan for the Port-au-Prince Water Supply, but only $100,000 of it was actually disbursed in 1994-95. In the same vein, France has committed a loan of $14.8 million for the Port-au-Prince Water supply, with only $3 million for 1994-95, of which only $400,000 was actually disbursed.<br />
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Also, the amount allocated to Rural Potable Water for the whole three years is only $4.4 million, despite the fact that most of the population is rural and has no access to potable water. It is not clear how much of this, if any, has been disbursed.<br />
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It is not clear why these funds – which have the potential to have such a profound and immediate impact on the quality of life for the majority of Haitians – are back loaded so far into the future. The most likely explanation is that the international donors and lenders wanted to delay these improvements until the Haitian government agreed to their demands for privatization and other aspects of structural adjustment.<br />
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<strong>Transport</strong><br />
Most of this is for roads, and comes as a grant from the European Community ($24.1 million), with no funding from the U.S.<br />
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Health: $14.5 million disbursed<br />
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The biggest chunk comes from the U.S. ($8.7 million). U.S. money is divided among such things as Volunteer Agencies for Child Survival, AIDS, family planning (the largest at about 40% of the $20.8 million granted). It is not clear how these disbursements were divided.<br />
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It is worth noting that expenditures on health are just under 5% of donor commitments and only 2.8% of disbursement so far.<br />
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<strong>Agriculture, the Environment, and Education</strong><br />
These are the most underfunded priorities, given Haiti’s actual needs. Agriculture has received only $5.6 million so far, or less than 1.1% of disbursements. Weighing in at less than 1% of disbursements is education, with only $4.9 million – in a nation with the highest illiteracy rate in the Americas and very few of its children enrolled in public schools. In spite of Haiti’s severe environmental crisis, the environment is at the bottom of the list with $1.4 million disbursed.<br />
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<strong>Other funds</strong><br />
Some of the other larger items already disbursed include some $24.2 million, and EC commitment of $216.4 million, whose destination is not yet clear from available sources; and $15.4 million from U.S. Title III aid, which is almost all donated food that is resold, and therefore ends up as budget support for the central government.<br />
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<strong>In conclusion</strong><br />
It is not difficult to see how the large infusion of foreign “aid” had relatively little impact on most people’s lives. The economy did recover from the severe negative growth of the embargo years to a positive 4.5% real growth rate, but this is still quite slow a rebound from such a deep slump. The influx of foreign exchange has helped to stabilize the currency and therefore inflation. But there was very little in the way of investment in infrastructure, agriculture, soil conservation, education, credit to small farmers and employment creation – the most pressing needs that might improve the economic opportunities of the vast majority. And this is primarily because the money has not been allocated for these purposes. </div><div align="justify"></div><div align="justify"></div><div align="right"><span style="font-family: courier new; font-size: 85%;"><strong>From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives</strong></span></div>Unknownnoreply@blogger.com