Karshan to Vedrine on education (March 2003)

From: MKarshan@aol.com


Karshan to Vedrine on education*

Haiti list, 5 March 2003

Vedrine raises very valid points about the education system in Haiti. Under President Preval the Minister of Education began to address these concerns by creating standardized education.

Paolo Friere, the Brazilian educator who dared to teach literacy to Brazil’s peasants, addressed these critical points in his Pedogogy of the Oppressed (published in numerous languages and once banned in South Africa, punishable by imprisonment), describing such teaching methods as a banking system where a teacher merely deposits the information and the pupil is graded for how well he can spit it back verbatim—usually without concern as to whether the student understood the material or concepts therein.

I think of that book when I hear Haitian children sitting for hours reciting material. Not all schools are operating like this. For two years my daughter went to a middle class Haitian school where the teachers were excited about the materials and the children were engaged in dialogue. Of course this also goes to the issue of how a society views children.

I have been haunted by the fact that very few Haitian students actually read novels, instead learning about novels from the notes of teachers passed from one to another.

I think what Friere was also pointing out, and Bob correct me if I’m wrong (Bob taught a Friere course!) was that such a system, as well as a society that is content to keep its people illiterate, is part of a structure to maintain the status quo in societies such as Brazil, Haiti, etc.

So, by changing the educational system to one where all children will learn and can excel, ultimately transending class lines, you are engaging in a revolution, that will ultimately transform the society. That is why Friere was originally thrown out of Brasil and why literacy was not on the government agenda before Aristide. Instead literacy workers were sought and killed (La Saline 1987?).

With a large percent of the schools in Haiti being private, and many of those being driven just by the desire for profit, or private schools being overcrowded because the government doesn’t provide enough schools, education suffers. That is why it is essential that the government of Haiti continue building schools throughout the country but also essential is teacher training and a new view of children.
 
* post from the Corbett listserve
 

From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives

‘Economic Terrorism’: Ignoring the Debt Issue in Haiti Part 1 by Michelle Karshan

Jubilee's Blog the Debt (Member blogs from Haiti)
01 October 2007 

‘Economic Terrorism’: Ignoring the Debt Issue in Haiti Part 1
by Michelle Karshan

[Michelle Karshan, a member of ONE Partner Jubilee USA and former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide foreign press liason, is fasting right now for Haiti. She blogs her perspective on how Haiti’s struggle with debt and economic recovery was ignored by the international press.]

In May 2007, while in Haiti, friends told me of the rising cost of living. As I spent what seemed like a lot of money purchasing food to cook three meals a day, I wondered how folks were feeding their families even one meal a day at those exorbitant prices.

Michelet, a young man, considerably thinner since 2004, pointed out that he had personally seen a rise in TB in his own neighborhood. He explained that with the increase in the cost of living people could not nourish themselves enough to fend off disease.

Dr. Paul Farmer has so eloquently drawn this connection between infectious disease and poverty, yet the international financial institutions have yet to reprioritize their economic plans.

Former Haitian President Jean-Bertrand Aristide often referred to structural adjustment and the debt as “Economic Terrorism”, because globalization and the way it revolves around creating and keeping impoverished countries impoverished results in starvation, disease, illiteracy and death. And, in the end millions of dollars spent on poverty reduction cannot turn a country around without debt reduction and forgiveness.

Last week, while Haiti and each Haitian there still suffers from the backbreaking debt inherited from the Duvalier regime, former dictator Jean-Claude Duvalier was heard on the airways apologizing for the atrocities and corruption during his administration.

Not coincidentally, his plea for forgiveness came immediately following Switzerland’s announcement that they would extend the Haitian government’s period of time to wage their legal battle to recover the millions of dollars in Duvalier’s Swiss bank accounts.

Haitian President Rene Preval rightly responded to Duvalier’s maneuvers, stating that while forgiveness is good, justice must prevail. Preval made it clear that his government would continue its pursuit of the monies, and that if Duvalier chooses to return to Haiti he will certainly be brought to justice.

It was extremely frustrating working as the Foreign Press Liaison to presidents Aristide, Preval and Aristide again. All the while, the international press ignored the debt that shackled any efforts towards recovery, ignored the U.S.-led embargo against Haiti’s government, and the economic “death plan” Aristide tried to resist. The U.S. Embassy waged a campaign denying that there was any financial embargo and they harassed press who dared to call the embargo an embargo!

The international press, distracting its readers from the real talking points, lay all blame at Aristide’s door, and characterized Haiti as: “spiraling downward;” “a basket case;” “a failed state;” and “a people unable to govern themselves.”

Yet inside the storm, at the eye of the storm, was globalization, the endless debt, the imposed impoverishment of a country up against a proud nation that believes that justice — economic justice — means accessible, universal health care, schools, literacy programs, and the right to work and farm.

It will not be hard for me to begin my fast today. What has been hard is to eat, knowing that more than 8 million people in Haiti cannot eat one meal a day.”

We Will Not Forget. The Achievements of Lavalas in Haiti by Laura Flynn and Robert Roth

To see or print actual full booklet with images: http://www.teledyol.net/WWNF/wwnf.pdf

We Will Not Forget. THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF LAVALAS IN HAITI by Laura Flynn and Robert Roth, published by the Haiti Action Committee

(Includes lists of achievements by subject)

In February 29, 2004, the constitutional government of Haiti was  overthrown, bringing Haiti’s ten-year experience with democracy to a brutal end. Orchestrated by the United States, France and Canada, the coup forced President Jean-Bertrand Aristide into exile and removed  thousands of elected officials from office.

A year after the coup, the Haitian people continue to demand the restoration of democracy. On September 30, 2004, tens of thousands of Haitians took to the streets of Port-au-Prince. Braving police  gunfire, threats of arrests and beatings, they marched while holding up their five fingers, signifying their determination that Aristide complete his five-year term.

On December 1, 2004, while then-Secretary of State Colin Powell visited Haiti to express support for the coup regime, Haitian police massacred dozens of prisoners in the National Penitentiary who had staged a protest over prison conditions. Despite this repression, more than 10,000 demonstrators marched through the streets of Cap-Haitien on December 16, 2004, calling for the release of all political prisoners and the return of their elected president. On February 7, 2005, thousands more once again demonstrated in Port-au-Prince and other cities, raising the same demands.

Why are Haitians so insistent on Aristide’s return? Why have they been so resolute in their opposition to the coup and the subsequent U.S./U.N. occupation? Answering these questions requires a close look at what actually occurred during the years of democratic rule in Haiti.

To view entire booklet. To see or print actual full booklet with images:

http://www.teledyol.net/WWNF/wwnf.pdf

HAITI'S BICENTENNIAL: What's to Celebrate? by Adele DellaValle-Rauth (The Catholic Virginian)

HAITI'S BICENTENNIAL: What's to Celebrate?


By Adele DellaValle-Rauth, The Catholic Virginian, March 17, 2003

As part of our January Richmond Diocese retreat mission in Haiti, jointly led by myself and Bob, our group of nine met with Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison in Haiti. Michelle hosted us in her home in Port-au-Prince where she lives with her daughter Riva.

In the course of our conversation Michelle brought up the celebration of Haiti's bi-centennial in 2004. "The whole country is gearing up for this," she said excitedly.

Having just experienced the depth of the poverty in the capital city and in the rural countryside, and having visited Haiti many times since 1983, I couldn't resist asking: "What is there for Haiti to celebrate?" The economy is on a downward spiral, the Gourde has gone from 5Gde/$1US to 38Gde/$1US; Aristide is under attack from the foreign press (beginning with his presidency in 1991) but even internally there is some civil unrest and the subject of "regime change" comes up occasionally albeit from a vocal minority; some street violence by gangs has occurred attacking both demonstrators and opposition politicians; international donors have frozen $500 million in aid because of alleged irregularities in the 2000 Parliamentary elections; a U.S.-led embargo since January 2001 has prevented 146M in loans from being disbursed - loans marked and desperately needed for humanitarian use. Of course there is the gnawing challenge and responsibility in all of this to seek the truth and to separate truth from fiction, myth or propaganda.

So - what's to celebrate?

Lots - according to Michelle and others. The struggle for democratic change in Haiti, she declares, has borne fruit. The objectives of this struggle have always been liberty and dignity: liberty, of the body and of thought and expression, and the dignity of having the basic materials for human existence: food, shelter, healthcare and education. There are some undeniable, tangible improvements, fruits of this struggle that dates back to Haiti's emergence in 1804 as the world's first independent Black Republic after a long war with Napoleon's France. Telescoping beyond early transitional years of oppression by self-appointed, punitive leaders, chronic indebtedness to foreign banks, U.S. Thomas Jefferson's embargo until 1862, a demeaning 19 years of U.S. occupation, 29 years of cruel Francois and Jean-Claude Duvalier dictatorships starting in 1957 and followed by an unstable series of short-term rulers - Haiti has made significant strides toward democracy since 1990:

The Birth and Struggle of Democracy:

- Haiti achieved the first free and fair elections in 1990 - with an overwhelming 67% of the electorate voting for Aristide.

Despite a brutal coup d'etat on Sept. 30, 1991, the bloodiest of 33 coups in 200 years of difficult history, democracy was restored in October 1994 with the return of Aristide.

Dissolution of the army in 1994, by President Aristide, has been called the most significant step forward for democracy in Haiti. The army was replaced by Haiti's first civilian police force.

On Feb. 7, 1996 President Aristide became the first Haitian president to leave voluntarily at the end of his original term (5 years minus 3 years of the coup), passing the mantle to President Rene Preval, Haiti's second freely elected president.

Lift sanctions to help Haiti solve problems by Michelle Karshan (Chicago Tribune)

ChicagoTribune

Lift sanctions to help Haiti solve problems


VOICE OF THE PEOPLE (letter). February 05, 2004

By Michelle Karshan, Foreign press liaison, National Palace.

Haiti — It is commendable that the Chicago Tribune saw fit to take a position on the current impasse in Haiti ("Elusive democracy in Haiti," Editorial, Jan. 24), and that your position appears to support democracy.

The notion, however, that it might be a "valid option" to pressure President Jean Bertrand Aristide to resign if there were a "suitable successor" is inconsistent with democratic principles and Haiti's 1987 Constitution.

The opposition has refused to participate in the formation of an electoral council, which would oversee new elections necessary for the functioning of a parliament. The terms have expired for a portion of the parliamentarians, leaving Parliament not shuttered, as you said, but unable to function without the required quorum.

Democracy has definitely taken hold in Haiti and has come far in its few years since the restoration of democracy with Aristide's return in 1994. Aristide laid down the brutal Haitian army and created Haiti's first civilian police force.

The opposition has the right to demonstrate, when in compliance with requirements for a permit; journalists openly make commentaries against the government; and the country has already gone through several rounds of democratic elections.

Aristide has called upon the Haitian government to reinforce measures that would further guarantee the liberty of people to demonstrate. Haiti's police force was recently praised by both the U.S. ambassador and the Organization of American States for its conduct in providing security to those demonstrating in opposition to the government.

Aristide still enjoys enormous popularity among the Haitian people and throughout the world. It is under Aristide that Haiti met all the requirements to become a full member of the Caribbean Community (Caricom) and it is committed to helping Haiti strengthen its democracy. Haiti is successfully collaborating with numerous countries and international organizations in the areas of education, commerce, trade, medical care, etc.

Aristide has consistently invited the opposition to sit down together and participate in the oversight of elections. The anti-Aristide camp, which represents a small minority in Haiti, refuses to participate in any elections because they know they cannot gain power through a participatory and democratic process.

Immediately following the recent Caricom meeting in Haiti, in which the Caricom leaders who are helping mediate the crisis were seeking a peaceful and constitutional resolution between all parties, the opposition announced their intention to continue to paralyze the country in an effort to overthrow Haiti's president.

Your editorial fails to mention the vast number of violent acts committed by the opposition, including lynchings, assassinations, terrorizing schoolchildren, forcing schools and hospitals to close, and more.

Only through the lifting of economic sanctions will Haiti be able to efficiently address serious problems plaguing the nation, such as drug trans-shipping, poverty, expanding access to potable water, education and health care.

From the Haiti Dream Keeper Archives

Press fail to identify key players in Gonaives opposition violence

Press fail to identify key players in Gonaives opposition violence nor do they examine timing of terrorist acts


Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison - National Palace, Haiti
Tel: (011509) 228-2058 - Fax: (011509) 228-2171 - Email: mkarshan@aol.com

Haiti's Secretary of State for Communications, Mario Dupuy, responded to this week's extreme violence by the opposition in Gonaives explaining that these are "terrorist acts undertaken by the armed wing of the opposition." Indeed, immediately after the attack on the police station in Gonaives (which includes destroying the national prison there, aiding the escape of prisoners, burning of government buildings, homes and stores, murdering police and civilians, setting people on fire) the leaders of the opposition in Port-au-Prince openly praised the terrorist acts in Gonaives.

Journalist Scott Wilson, in his Washington Post article, "Armed Attacks Increase Pressure on Haitian Leader, Groups Extend Reach Into Provincial Areas" published November 18, 2003 (see link at end of this section) described the armed branch of the opposition as follows: "Many of the participants are either former members of Haiti's military, which was dissolved after the 1994 U.S. invasion that restored Aristide to power following a military coup, or they belonged to a paramilitary force that opposed the president's return. The groups have increased the tempo of their attacks in recent months, and are showing signs of coordinating military efforts around the country."

In that same November 2003 article, Prime Minister Yvon Neptune stated, "Our information is that there are links between some elements of these armed groups with the opposition on every level -- financial as well as the political goal of ousting President Aristide," Neptune said. "We're trying to show that this is all a pretext for not wanting to participate in elections."

In reporting on this week's atrocities in Gonaives, the foreign press, so far, has continued to portray the opposition in Gonaives as former Aristide supporters when in fact the former military, macoutes and FRAPH figure prominently amongst them! Today's Associated Press article by Michael Norton does admit the presence of former military in Gonaives but distances their involvement from the high command of the terrorists as follows: "Former soldiers of Haiti's disbanded army carrying heavy weapons patrolled the streets in support of the uprising in Gonaives."

President Aristide wants to bring FRAPH to justice

REVISED February 17, 2004

Press Release

Contact: Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison
National Palace, Haiti
Tel: (011509) 228-2058
Fax: (011509) 228-2171

President Aristide says Haiti's justice system might use FRAPH documents in pursuit of justice in investigation of FRAPH leader, Louis-Jodel Chamblain

Port-au-Prince - During a press conference held at Haiti's National Palace today regarding the humanitarian crisis caused by recent acts of terrorism, President Aristide revealed that the Government of Haiti may need to unveil the famous FRAPH documents. These documents and photos may be helpful in the pursuit of justice with regard to a criminal investigation underway involving FRAPH commander Louis-Jodel Chamblain, who emerged Friday as one of the terrorists in Gonaives. The terrorists are currently holding the approximately 150,000 residents of Gonaives hostage. Their violence and blocking of roads has cut off food, fuel and medical supplies to the Northern portion of the country.

Today, in discussing the violence in Gonaives and other towns, Aristide said Haiti's justice system may need to refer to the FRAPH documents in the pursuit of justice. He added that the names contained in the FRAPH documents are of persons who were actively involved in FRAPH, as well as those who supported it. President Aristide suggested that more than likely many of those same names engaged in the terrorist activities from that period are also implicated in the recent destablization and violence being waged today.

The criminal investigation the President referred to involves the Cite Soleil fire, an arson committed during the coup d'etat period, in which Chamblain is implicated. After trials were held on two other matters, Chamblain was earlier convicted in the Raboteau Massacre, as well as the assassination of businessman and Aristide supporter, Antoine Izmery. Both of these crimes occurred during the three-year coup period. Chamblain is also named in the Cite Soleil arson.

FRAPH, (Revolutionary Front for Haitian Advancement and Progress), a paramilitary organization formed during the second half of the coup d'etat (1991-1994) has been reported on and denounced by all international human rights groups for their use of torture, assassination and rape against Aristide supporters during that time.

FRAPH was founded by Emmanuel (Toto) Constant, who later revealed during a 60 Minutes interview that he met regularly with the CIA station chief in Haiti at the time, advising him in advance of all upcoming FRAPH activities and also stated that he received regular funds from the station chief.

(On eve of 2004 coup d'etat) 4-step plan,Key Points and Historical Footnote

Haiti: Press Release, 4-step plan,Key Points and Historical Footnote
Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison
National Palace, Haiti
(011509) 228-2058
Email: mkarshan [at] aol.com

Press Release

Dated: February 28, 2004

President Jean-Bertrand Aristide Continues Calls for Peace, non-violence, and Reinforcement of Democracy in Address to Nation

(President Aristide’s Proposed Four Step Process Out of Current Crisis & Key Points on Recent Events with Historical Footnote are Attached at End of Press Release Below)

Addressing the Nation. President Jean-Bertrand Aristide delivered a statement to his nation overnight during a two-hour show on Haiti’s National Television which included a call-in segment. The show began at 11:30 last night and finished at 1:30 this morning.

Called on Terrorists to Leave the Country and Stop Killing People. While the US Embassy limited its call to the armed terrorists to abandon plans to invade Port-au-Prince, President Aristide called on the terrorists to leave Haiti and to stop killing its citizens declaring that, “When terrorists kill, we all suffer.” President Aristide also denounced the opposition for refusing to agree to the proposed peace plan put forth by the international community which would permit power sharing and steps to move forward to police reform and legislative and local elections.

Called on all to Defend their Democracy Through Non-Violent Action. “Rich, poor, public sector, private sector, Lavalas, opposition, come together to defend democracy because democracy is vital to the future of the nation, President Aristide stated. He also called upon his supporters who have been actively defending democracy and their vote, to not use violence in the process. “On the streets, there is vigilance, and vigilance without violence is necessary to protect democracy. The people of Haiti have demonstrated solidarity in this non-violent vigilance. “Non-violent vigilance is good.”

Active Non-Violence – Setting Ground Rules. President Aristide spoke firmly in clarifying acceptable methods for vigilance. Setting ground rules for the defense of the constitutional government, President Aristide said, “What is not good is criminality, stealing cars, looting. No one has the right to steal cars or loot or to violate the law. People should not take the law into their own hands.” He added, "We condemn that! When it's not good we have to say so.”

Haiti Raboteau Massacre Trial to Begin

From: MKarshan@aol.com
Release Date: September 24, 2000
Contact: Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison
Telephone: (011509) 228-2058

HAITI'S RABOTEAU MASSACRE TRIAL WILL TRY 22 DEFENDANTS IN DETENTION AND 36 IN ABSTENTIA INCLUDING FRAPH'S TOTO CONSTANT AND THE MILITARY HIGH COMMAND

On September 29, 2000, the Haitian government will bring to trial its biggest human rights case, the Raboteau Massacre. There are 58 defendants in the se, ranging from low level soldiers and paramilitaires, up through the military and paramilitary leadership. The latter group includes the coup leaders Raoul Cedras, Michel Francois and Philippe Biamby, the military high command, and Emmanuel Constant, the head of the paramilitary organization FRAPH. Twenty-two defendants are in custody, the highest ranked Captain

Cenafils Castera, the commander of the Gonaives military district.

The trial is expected to last about six weeks taking place in Gonaives approximately 3 hours north of Port-au-Prince. The case is based primarily on the eyewitness testimony. Forty-five people have filed formal complaints, and dozens more have come forward with first-hand reports. These witnesses will be buttressed by testimony from international experts in forensic anthropology, genetics, military organization, and human rights, as well as documents from the Haitian army archives. The prosecution did not have access to the "FRAPH/FADH Documents", 160,000 pages of materials seized by U.S. forces from military and paramilitary facilities in 1994. The U.S. government has refused to return the documents, despite repeated requests from the Haitian government, joined by members of the U.S. Congress, the United Nations, and human rights groups throughout the world.

Background: In the early hours of April 22, 1994, soldiers and paramilitaries raided Raboteau, a seaside neighborhood of Gonaives, attacking the area's resistant, but unarmed, population.

The attackers forcibly entered dozens of homes, beating and arresting those found within, including the elderly and small children. Many people were arrested and tortured, others were tortured or humiliated on site. Some were forced to lie in open sewers, or out in the hot sun for hours, some were forced to tear down a house with their bare hands. Those who fled to the sea, Raboteau's traditional refuge, were shot at, some were killed.

Concrete Steps to Combat Trafficking in Persons

Michelle Karshan, Foreign Press Liaison, National Palace, June 12, 2003

US Turns Blind Eye to Concrete Steps Made by Haiti to Combat Trafficking in Persons

The release yesterday of the US State Department's Trafficking in Persons Report, placing Haiti in the category of least compliant countries, came as a complete shock to the Government of Haiti. Over the past two years Haiti's government has made significant progress to enforce the human rights and quality of life for its children, as well as passing legislation in May prohibiting trafficking in persons and banning the provision of the labor code which sanctioned child domestic labor. (See below for more details on efforts made by the Government of Haiti.)

The State Department defines a tier 3 rating as applying to those countries "whose governments do not fully comply with the minimum standards and are not making significant efforts to do so." Haiti's Minister of Education, Marie Carmel Paul Austin, explained that placing Haiti in this category "is unjustified and appears completely at odds with the criteria used to rate other listed countries in their efforts to combat trafficking."

An example of how the report does not consistently apply its own criteria and fails to take into consideration measures taken by the Haitian government, while praising and crediting identical efforts made by other nations, can be found in the area of education. Haiti's Universal Schooling program has increased access to schooling through construction of additional schools in rural and urban areas, subsidizing school uniforms and textbooks by 70%, expanding its hot lunch program, increasing its school bus program, and waging a nationwide literacy program, now in its second year.

These measures to promote greater school enrollment in Haiti were not even cited in the report as preventive measures to combat child domestic service, whereas in the case of 17 other countries ranked tier 1 and tier 2 nations, raising school enrollment is cited as a significant preventive measure.

Many glaring contradictions are evident when comparing Haiti with other countries who were placed in less damning categories. The State Department report completely ignored the important provision of Haiti's anti-trafficking legislation that rescinds the provision of the Labor Code sanctioning child domestic service -- which has long been criticized by the human rights community. Oddly enough, 13 countries with no anti-trafficking legislation whatsoever are ranked tier 2 or tier 1, while Haiti is ranked tier 3.

What's Next for Haiti? by Michelle Karshan

What's Next for Haiti?

Haiti Policy Analysts Weigh in Putting the Pieces Together

by Michelle Karshan, published by the Haiti Action Committee

December 16, 2002 - Twelve years ago today, on December 16, 1990, Father Jean-Bertrand Aristide was elected President by an overwhelming majority and inaugurated on February 7, 1991. Seven months later he was ousted in a violent coup d'etat carried out by the military and its sponsors. After three years of resistance by the Haitian people, in which 5,000 died, thousands were tortured and raped, and tens of thousands took to the high seas, the U.S. restored Aristide to Haiti through a military intervention, under international pressure.

Although his supporters wanted his term extended because of the three years that Aristide was forced to spend in exile, President Aristide finished his five-year term on February 7, 1996 and for the first time in Haiti's history a democratically elected President handed power over to the next democratically elected President. President Rene Preval served his entire five-year term without interruption, setting another precedent, and on February 7, 2001, after a landslide election, Aristide was once again inaugurated to the Presidency.

Tom F. Driver, a theology professor at New York's Union Theological Seminary, sums up the last couple of years in Haiti, "Since early in the year 2000, when it became apparent that Jean-Bertrand Aristide and the Lavalas Family Party would win elections by large majorities, those opposed to popular government in Haiti have been determined to use every means necessary to thwart it. When they could not prevent Aristide's return to the Presidency, they set about to make it impossible for him to govern effectively. When they could not achieve their ends at the polls, they tried to invalidate the elections. When compromise was offered, they rejected it out of hand. Because persuasion will not avail them, they have threatened violence. Their efforts are encouraged, if not engineered, by elements in the United States Government, which has cut off all loans in aid to the Government of Haiti. The administration in Haiti is by no means perfect, but that is not the issue. The issue is legitimacy, all of which lies on the side of the Government and none on the side of the concerted opposition that has been nothing but obstructionist since the year 2000."

In remarks made by Kerry Kennedy Cuomo at the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award ceremony a few weeks ago, she revealed that, "Six months ago, a high ranking Bush administration official commented to a member of our board, 'Only when the economic sanctions lead to Florida being flooded with boat people will this administration's policy change.' That statement has become a self-fulfilling prophecy. A few weeks ago, over 200 Haitians in a rickety, leaking boat washed up on Key Biscayne Boulevard."